Search results

1

Herezja jako grzech przeciwko świętości Kościoła.

100%

Pietras H.

Studia Nauk Teologicznych PAN

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2011

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issue 6-7

39-50

EN

Heresy is usually defined as an error concerning the content of faith. In this article heresy is shown as a sin requiring conversion and penance and not just a withdrawal of one’s views. A sin of heresy is compared to adultery or idolatry, for which the same penance used to be assigned (e.g. Synod of Elvira in 306, can. 22). In this context the condemnation of Nestorius by the Council of Ephesus in 431 is characteristic because it is focused on the insult to Jesus Christ and not on erroneous conceptions. It is also the case with the formulas of condemnation of heretics where such invectives as ontamination, sacrilegium or perfidia were often used, and those terms belong to the field of morality rather than to intellectual disputes or differences.

DE

Die Häresie wird üblicherweise als ein Irrtum im Bezug auf den Glauben definiert. Im Artikel geht es darum, die Häresie als Sünde aufzuzeigen, die Buße und Umkehr und nicht nur ein Wiederrufen der Irrlehren bedarf. Als ein Beispiel kann der Vergleich der Häresie mit dem Ehebruch oder Götzendienst und die Bestimmung dafür derselben Strafen (Synode in Elvira - 306, kann. 22) dienen. Bemerkenswert ist auch der Text der offiziellen Verdammung des Nestorius von Ephesus (341), in dem der Akzent auf die Beleidigung Jesu Christi und nicht auf die Irrlehren gelegt wurde. Darauf verweisen auch die Kraftausdrücke in den Formeln der Verdammung von Häretikern, wo oft solche Worte aufkommen, wie contaminatio, sacrilegium oder perfidia, die eher in die Welt der Moral gehören, als in den Bereich der intellektuellen Streitigkeiten und Unterschiede.

PL

Herezję zwykle definiuje się jako błąd dotyczący treści wiary. W artykule chodzi o pokazanie jej jako grzechu, który wymaga pokuty i nawrócenia, a nie tylko odwołania poglądów. Przykładem tego jest porównywanie grzechu herezji do cudzołóstwa lub bałwochwalstwa i przypisywanie za to takiej samej pokuty (np. Synod w Elwirze z roku 306, kanon 22). Znamienny też jest tekst oficjalnego potępienia Nestoriusza z Efezu (341), gdzie akcent położony jest na znieważenie Jezusa Chrystusa, a nie na błędne koncepcje. Wskazują na to również inwektywy częste w formułach potępienia heretyków, gdzie często występują takie terminy jak contaminatio, sacrilegium czy perfidia, raczej przynależne do świata moralności, niż do intelektualnych sporów i różnic.

2

Kolik bylo křížových výprav proti husitům? Papežská autorita a její uplatnění ve válce s herezí

100%

Soukup P.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2023

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vol. 121

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issue 4

1015-1045

EN

This article examines the ways in which the crusades against the Hussites were launched. It provides a complete overview of papal bulls issued for the purpose of eradicating heresy in Bohemia and Moravia, and explores the relationship between the crusading bulls and specialized legations. In addition, it investigates the practical implementation of papal ordinances, which was the main task of the anti-Hussite legates. The response of the secular arm to the calls to crusade and the preaching campaigns depended on a number of political considerations, meaning that the dispatch of expeditions did not always correspond to papal proclamations. Recurrent military failures resulted in repeated calls to arms by secular authorities and a re-publishing of crusade bulls by papal agents.

3

Public Penance of Heretics: its Forms and Functions

100%

Kras P.

Roczniki Humanistyczne

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2018

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vol. 66

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issue 2: Historia - Selected Papers in English

57-77

EN

The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 59, issue 2 (2011). The article discusses the origins of public penance for heresy in the early Christian tradition as well as examining its application in the penitential practice of the medieval Church. It demonstrates how public penance for mortal sins, which took shape in Late Antiquity, was later adopted and developed within the system of medieval Inquisition. In the medieval collections of canon law, heresy was qualified as a religious crime which required special public penance. Following the guidelines set up in the ancient Church, any heretic who declared his or her intention to renounce their wrongs was to be interrogated by a bishop, who would grant them absolution of sins and prescribed due penance. An important aspect of penance for heresy was public solemn penitence, which took place on Sundays and feast days and included a number of rituals. The penitent heretic had to appear in a special garment with his or her hair cut off and barefoot. The ritual of solemn public penitence for mortal sins was formed in Late Antiquity and as such was later incorporated into medieval pontificals. The rise of medieval Inquisition, which was used as an efficient weapon against popular heresy, stimulated the development of penitential discipline for heretics. Papal Inquisitors, who came to be appointed as extraordinary judges in heresy trials since the 1230s, were particularly inventive in the way how public penance might be employed to fight heretics. Medieval registers of heresy trials, carried out by papal inquisitors and bishops, are still the main source of information about penalties imposed on heretics who were sentenced for their errors. The public announcement of a sentence and penalty was the final act of the inquisitorial procedure. The penitential document (littera penitentialis), which was first read publicly and later handed over to the penitent heretic, listed various forms of penitence which he had to fulfil. In the inquisitorial strategy of penance, which started to be used in the first half of the thirteenth century, a solemn public penitence of heretics became commonplace. The inquisitorial registers and manuals for inquisitors described in detail the ritual of public penance and its functions. The penance imposed on heretics offered them a chance to repent publicly for their public crimes and to give satisfaction to society which had been disturbed by their deeds. That is why solemn public penance usually took place in a cathedral or central market square on feast days to be attended and witnessed by the local community. Through his special appearance and penitential garment with two penitential crosses, the heretic was highly visible and could not be anonymous. The whole society was responsible for supervising the penance of heretics and controlling their religious and moral conduct. Any act of religious transgression or misconduct was to be reported to the ecclesiastical authorities. Of course, public penitence was aimed at teaching a lesson to all the faithful and preventing them from falling into heresy.

4

Główne postacie herezji XII i XIII wieku

100%

Andrychowski K., Harasim K.

Społeczeństwo i Edukacja. Międzynarodowe Studia Humanistyczne

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2017

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issue 2(25)

5-13

EN

Heretic (gr. αἵρεσις – choice, purpose) movements are mentioned for the first time in the Catholics documents just a few centuries after Christ. They are related mostly to Manichaean movements which were created by Manes who believed that there are two elements in the world, Good and Evil who are still fighting with each other. Manichaeans rejected everything related to flesh and earth, but accepted only spiritual matters, because only those things were good in their opinion. It was a strong and very influential movement whose basic ideas became the fundamentals of many posterior philosophies, most of which were later deemed as heretic. An adjective ‘Manichaean’ became so negative over time that every new movement that wasn’t accepted by the Catholic Church was defined as ‘Manichean’.

5

Blumenberg’s Thinking as a Phenomenological Heresy and the Lifeworld as an Impossible Metaphor

88%

Menditto G.

Dialogue and Universalism

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2015

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issue 3

75-85

EN

Hans Blumenberg’s reflection is grounded on the phenomenology of history that can be considered as one of the most heretical Husserl’s developments. Blumenberg sees these developments as a way of thinking, a “source” of inspiration, a “legacy” and a sort of “legitimacy.” The purpose of this paper is to stress two different but connected ques-tions on this heresy: on the one hand, the path of Blumenberg’s phenomenology not as continuum of historical substances, but as “reoccupation” of problems that a thinker bequeaths to another; on the other hand, the metaphor, as Blumenberg’s “semantic anomaly” and Husserl’s Lebenswelt images (e.g. “ground,” “horizon,” “leap”) as “infi-nite” heresy of their premises.

6

Wołanie na tumult. Prolegomena do badań nad przemocą w stosunkach międzywyznaniowych w Rzeczypospolitej w XVI i XVII wieku

88%

Hryniewicz I., Warszawski U.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica

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2013

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vol. 21

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issue 3

EN

In this article the nature of religious violence is discussed with particular reference to the work and deeds of a Polish court preacher, Piotr Skarga. The author tries to place the aforementioned phenomenon in a wider cultural context. Drawing from a wide range of sociological and anthropological studies and proposing to understand violence not merely as an act of physical aggression, but also as a process of dehumanizing the enemy and thus making him/her liable to physical harm. The author argues that violence is intrinsic to the world of divided religious communities and can be considered by its perpetrators as an act of piety and doing God’s work. In the Polish context Piotr Skarga was one of the main representatives of this attitude.

7

Wokół źródeł słowiańskich narracji dualistycznych

88%

Kuczyńska M.

Slavia Meridionalis

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2017

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vol. 17

EN

On the Slavic sources of the dualist narrationsA review of the new anthology Średniowieczne herezje dualistyczne na Bałkanach. Źródła słowiańskie. (2015). (Minczew, G., Skowronek, M. & Wolski, J. M. Ed.). Łódź: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego. The volume, whose title translates Medieval dualist heresies in the Balkans. The Slavic sources, includes the most important source literature for studying dualist heresies. The carefully selected texts provide recipients with the most fundamental and most interesting fragments of the works from which they come, while the extensive and abundant commentaries explain even the most complicated problems concerning the history of dualism and dualist doctrines. Wokół źródeł słowiańskich narracji dualistycznychRecenzja nowej antologii Średniowieczne herezje dualistyczne na Bałkanach. Źródła słowiańskie, opracowanie, przekład i komentarz Georgi Minczew, Małgorzata Skowronek, Jan M. Wolski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Łódź 2015, ss. 267. W zbiorze zamieszczono wybór najważniejszej literatury źródłowej z zakresu herezji dualistycznych. Starannie dobrane teksty prezentują najważniejsze i najbardziej interesujące fragmenty dzieł na omawiany temat. Rozbudowane komentarze objaśniają fundamentalne i najbardziej skomplikowane problemy dotyczące historii dualizmu i jego doktryny.

8

Heresy and Orthodoxy Now: The Zigzagging Paths of the Lawful

88%

Zając M.

Text Matters: A Journal of Literature, Theory and Culture

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2019

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issue 9

213-222

EN

In this article I consider a certain characteristic of our times as a “secular age,” namely, a series of complications in our understanding of transgression. Transgression implies the presence of some rules and laws which can be violated. As long as the rules and laws are perceived as right, as a way of protecting the values which would otherwise perish, transgression appears to be a wrong thing to do, a misdeed, a criminal act. Needless to say, the very conceptual structure makes sense only provided that the distinctions between right and wrong, good and evil, lawful and lawless are not arbitrary, which, in turn, depends on the presence of the concept of truth. In the secular age, though, the concept of truth becomes not only difficult to handle, since it is incompatible with the modern frame of mind, but also assumes some derogatory connotations, up to the point when to insist on the distinction between (truly) right and (truly) wrong is in itself a wrong thing to do. That is the state of contemporary societies which G. K. Chesterton examines in his work Heretics. The effect of Chesterton’s reflections is a new map of right/wrong, good/evil, lawless/lawful permutations. After Chesterton, I comment on the character of a new heretic, one for whom transgression, understood as the attack on buried-for-long orthodoxy, is too easy a thing to do. To illustrate the mentioned changes of perspective, I refer to an exemplary criminal figure of the West, that is, the biblical serpent, and its criticism.

9

Protihusitská propaganda v písemnostech Zikmunda Lucemburského. Definice – dochování – texty

88%

Bar P.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2016

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vol. 114

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issue 3

614-651

EN

This study contributes to the research on anti-Hussite propaganda and on the policies of Sigismund of Luxembourg. The subject of analysis is represented by Sigismund’s writings and correspondence (diplomas, public and private letters) which contain to varying degrees several propaganda passages. From the viewpoint of form and content and compared to the papal and imperial anti-Hussite campaigns, these passages do not represent a novelty if not for the fact that their formulations were determined by the political interest of Emperor Sigismund. It manifested itself through a variety of nuances depending on the type of environment for which the documents were intended for – whether the Catholic (both in the Czech lands and the Empire) or the Hussite. For Emperor Sigismund these propaganda texts fulfilled two roles – on the one hand they presented him as the defender of Catholic orthodoxy and of the Church, while on the other hand they justified his own policies against the Hussites.

10

Sergius, the Paulician Leader, in the Account by Peter of Sicily

88%

Wolińska T.

Studia Ceranea

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2019

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vol. 9

123-140

EN

Peter of Sicily, a Byzantine high official from the times of Basil I, intended to warn the Archbishop of Bulgaria against certain heretics, known as the Paulicians, as he learned during his mission to Tefrike about their plans of sending their missionaries there. His writings are regarded as the most competent source of information on the history and doctrine of the Paulicians. He also described some of their leaders, including Sergius himself. According to Peter, it was a woman with whom Sergius had had an affair who made him the devil’s tool. He accepted the name of Tychicos and passed himself off as a disciple of Paul the Apostle. For 34 years he was the leader of the Paulicians. Peter admits that Sergius was successful in winning followers and at the same time, besides making false statements, accuses him of selling Christians into slavery to barbarians and of collaboration with the Muslims. In the end, however, he was supposed to have an argument with another heresiarch, Baanes, which would lead to a break among the Paulicians. Sergius is colourfully described as an enemy of the Cross, a voice of impiety, a lover of darkness and a wolf in sheep’s clothing, who skilfully pretends to be a man of virtue but has deceived many. Although he himself was murdered in 834/835, his work was continued by disciples of his.

11

Reception of John V. A. Fine Jr.’s The Bosnian Church: A New Interpretation: Interesting Sleeve of a Never Ending Historiographical Debate

88%

Dautović D.

Studia Ceranea

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2022

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vol. 12

399-415

EN

Historiography about the medieval Bosnian Church is a vast and complicated labyrinth, with many different sections and subsections regarding its teachings, where authors are least likely to find a compromise, or some common ground. Very often, the ruling ideologies have intertwined their interests and influences in this field of medieval study, causing the emergence of very intense emotions in wider circles of population. One remarkable episode in history of research and study of the Bosnian Church is the occurrence of medievalist from United States of America, John V. A. Fine Jr., who arrived in Bosnia and Yugoslavia at the peak of the Cold War. Fine proved to be a very meticulous researcher, who produced a book under the title: The Bosnian Church: A New Interpretation. A Study of the Bosnian Church and its Place in State and Society from the 13th to the 15th Centuries which immediately caused disturbance and wide range of reactions. With his aligning with the historiographical stream which doesn’t see the Bosnian Church as a dualistic heretical institution, rather a monastic community independent from both of the big churches of the time, Fine gave additional fuel to this theory, a theory somewhat weakened in that period as its main protagonist Jaroslav Šidak had a change of mind. The main goal of this paper is to study the immediate reactions on Fine’s thesis, in forms of reviews of his book, as well its influence in the subsequent decades of the historiographical studies of the Bosnian Church.

12

Obrazując czarownice – niedocenione źródło w badaniach początków kształtowania się stereotypu czarownicy

75%

Gacek J.

Ogrody Nauk i Sztuk

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2012

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issue 2

EN

Thanks to pictorial sources, we can deepen our knowledge of witchcraft of the early modern era. An analysis of the used techniques alone brings us to the conclusion that the idea of witchcraft was widely known among common people. Numerous iconographic works prove that the witch-flight was at the time one of the most perplexing issues. Selected representations of witches simultaneously consolidated folklorist beliefs and connected them with the idea of witchcraft as a heresy, which was especially encouraged by the Church.

13

Średniowieczne klasztory żeńskie w polskiej prozie historycznej po 2000 roku (na wybranych przykładach)

75%

Zatorska M.

Facta Ficta. Journal of Theory, Narrative & Media

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2019

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vol. 3

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issue 1

81-99

EN

The aim of this paper was to present the folded and dubious face of the female monastic life in the Middle Ages current in selected Polish historical novels published after 2000 – such as Gra w kości and cycle “Odrodzone królestwo” (Korona śniegu i krwi, Niewidzialna korona, Płomienna korona) by Elżbieta Cherezińska, Słowo i miecz by Witold Jabłoński and second tome of “Hussite trilogy”, Boży bojownicy, by Andrzej Sapkowski. They are included in a current named historical fantasy, combining features of the historical and fantasy prose. In the first part of the article described literary relations between female convents and the politics which Cherezińska is fixing her attention – in her novel we find references to relationships of convents with ruling families and the political role of nuns. The second part concentrates on - underlined particularly by Sapkowski - connections nuns with medieval heresies. In his vision the monastery is becoming a counterpart of the university, a place of the secular learning intended only for women. In part third explicitly a negative image of the medieval convention will be an object of analysis in the novel of Jabłoński – he creates the monastery as a place which wasn't an intellectual asylum for women. The writer described female convent only as the prison or a penal institution. A care of authors of selected novels is reconstructing the reality of the age and the creation of the rich social and cultural background. Above all a social-cultural, visible context is important for selected writers among others in connecting monasteries with the lordship, the politics and with medieval heretical movements. In analysed novels the monastery is losing sacred character, however gains a new, less known until now secular faces. The images of monasteries, created by Cherezińska, Jabłoński and Sapkowski are paying attention on their creating culture and political importance and the connections between nuns –familiar and intellectual.

14

John of Damascus: rewriting the division of heresy and schism

75%

Keith Z. M.

Vox Patrum

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2017

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vol. 68

501-512

PL

Pisma św. Jana Damasceńskiego dotyczące herezji, a konkretnie teksty przeciwko nestorianom i monofizytom, wykazują staranne przemyślenia, jak cienka jest linia między schizmą i herezją. W tekstach o herezjach, Damasceńczyk stara się odczytać na nowo oddzielenie się niektórych Kościołów jako problem eklezjalny, a nie tylko teologiczny. Jego pisma zamazują granicę między herezją – normalnie pojęciem teologicznym, a schizmą – kościelnym terminem zarezerwowanym powszechnie do faktu oddzielenia się od Kościołów chrześcijańskich. Nauczanie Jana Damasceńskiego przeciw herezjom odpowiada dobrze kulturze florilegiów i kompilacji. Wydaje się, że celem Jana, zwłaszcza w traktacie De haeresibus, jest przyczynić się naukowo w rosnącym świecie antyheretyckich tekstów. Jego pisma dodają do szerokiej listy znanych już herezji, także te, które powstały po Soborze Chalcedońskim. Jednak teksty Jana przeciw herezjom nie są przeznaczone jedynie do zwalczania fałszywych nauk. W niektórych przypadkach, zwłaszcza monofizytyzmu, Damasceńczyk twierdzi, że terminy używane przez ortodoksyjnych (pro-chalcedońskich) i monofizyckich chrześcijan oznaczają to samo. Trzeba czytać Liber de haeresibus w kontekście innych jego pism (np. Contra Jacobitas lub Contra Nestorianos), by określić jego prawdziwy cel. Terminy te mają na celu nie dzielić chrześcijan, bazując tylko na nauczaniu, ale pokazać wzajemne rozumienie obecne w chrystologii, mimo różnego słownictwa. Z właściwym rozumieniem herezji, Jan z Damaszku, jest w stanie zapewnić pełniejszy opis schizm w Kościele swej epoki.

EN

St. John Damascene’s writings on heresies – specifically those texts against Nestorianism and Monophysitism – demonstrate a careful consideration of how thin the line is between schism and heresy. In the texts on heresies, Damascenus endeavors to reread the separation of certain Churches as an ecclesial problem and not only a theological problem. His writings blur the lines between heresy, normally a theological concern, and schism, an ecclesiastical term normally reserved for the separation of Christian Churches. St. John Damascene’s teachings against heresies fit well within the culture of florilegia and compilations. John’s goal, particularly in the De haeresibus, seems to have been to contribute scholarly to the growing world of anti-heretical texts. His texts add to the already large list of known heresies, registering heresies that arose after the council of Chalcedon. Yet John’s texts against heresies are not meant simply to combat false teachings. In some cases, particularly Monophysitism, Damascenus contends that the terms used by orthodox (pro-Chalcedonian) Christians and Monophysite Christians mean the same thing. We must read the Liber de haeresibus in the context of his other writings (e.g. Contra Jacobitas or Contra Nestorianos) in order to determine his true purpose. These definitions aim not to divide Christians based only on teachings, but to show the common understanding present in Christology in spite of different vocabulary. With a proper understanding of heresy, John of Damascus is able to provide a more complete description of the schisms in the Church of his time.

15

The religious Other in the Histories of Gregory of Tours

75%

Choda K.

Classica Cracoviensia

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2014

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issue 17

5-19

EN

The question of the religious other is discussed from the perspective Gregory of Tours himself would have identified with: namely, that of eternal salvation (a necessary prerequisite for which is embracing the Catholic doctrine) or condemnation Arians, Jews and Catholics lapsed into heresy shall eventually face. Gregory’s portrayal of the followers of Arius (who, according to him, not only cannot be called Christians, but follow in footsteps of pagan Roman persecutors of Christianity) is discussed; the futility of theological debate as a mean to influence those non‑Trinitarians is showed and the miraculous is stressed as the only effective tool of gaining them for the Church. Secondly, the question of Jews in Gregory’s narrative: their loss of the chosen people status, their inability to read the Old Testament Christologically and their not partaking in the miraculous that proved so decisive for the conversion of Arians is stressed; the political pressure of secular and ecclesiastical authorities is presented as the only, albeit ineffective, way of integrating members of the Jewish community into the Church. Finally, the learned heresies produced by the Church elite, that can be effectively addressed by employing the theological discourse and hierarchical admonition, are contrasted with the unrest caused among common people by popular prophets challenging the Church authority and her monopoly on the miraculous.

16

Gołębnik przejrzał na oczy. Ludowy spisek w siedemnastowiecznej Italii

71%

Ginzburg C.

Praktyka Teoretyczna

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2016

|

vol. 19

|

issue 1

217-229

EN

The hero of this essay by Calro Ginzburg is XVII-th century clown and distiller Costantino Saccardino, who also was active in the field of medical art. Accused together with his companions of secretly defiling city saint painting with excrements, Saccardino preached that religion – particularly its approach towards hell – was pure fiction and that first people were not created by God but were born out of mud. Ginzburg draws attention to the affinity between Saccardino’s heretical views (marked by the awareness of crisis and the anticipation of political, religious and cultural revolution) and the diagnoses made by Galileo, Bacon, Campanella, Rosicrusarians or even Descartes. At the same time Sccardino’s sensibility is that of a professional comedian – not a great intellectual – and this is what makes his case exceptional. The case of Saccardino, who – as is demontrated by Ginzburg – had a good knowledge of libertine literature while rejecting libertine elitism, shows that in this period the relations between the high culture and the culture of the subordinated classes could include an exchange that went through a detour, mediated in various, sometimes opposing codes.

PL

Bohaterem eseju Carlo Ginzburga jest siedemnastowieczny błazen i gorzelnik Costantino Saccardino, parający się również sztuką medyczną. Oskarżony wspólnie z towarzyszami o potajemne skalanie odchodami miejskich świętych obrazów, Saccardino głosił, że religia – przede wszystkim zaś pojęcie piekła – stanowi czystą fikcję, a pierwsi ludzie nie zostali stworzeni przez Boga, lecz zrodzili się z błota. Ginzburg zwraca uwagę na pokrewieństwo łączące heretyckie poglądy Saccardina – naznaczone świadomością kryzysu oraz oczekiwaniem politycznej, religijnej i kulturowej rewolucji – z rozpoznaniami Galileusza, Bacona, Campanelli, Różokrzyżowców, nawet Kartezjusza. Zarazem jednak wrażliwość Saccardina jest wrażliwością zawodowego komedianta – nie wielkiego intelektualisty – i to właśnie czyni ten przypadek niezwykłym. Sprawa Saccardina, obeznanego, jak wykazuje Ginzburg, z literaturą libertyńską, zarazem zaś bezwzględnie odrzucającego elitaryzm libertynów, pokazuje, że w tym okresie związki między kulturą wysoką i kulturą klas podporządkowanych mogły obejmować okrężną wymianę, zapośredniczoną przez różne, niekiedy przeciwstawne kody.

17

Christian Heretical Participation in the Rebellion of Börklüce Mustafa and Sheikh Bedreddin – Reappraising the Evidence

63%

Stoyanov Y.

Studia Ceranea

|

2021

|

vol. 11

443-461

EN

The outbreak and Balkan and Anatolian trajectories of the rebellions of Borkluce Mustafa and Sheikh Bedreddin in 1416 still pose a series of religio-historic problems which still do not allow a satisfactory and detailed reconstruction of their chronology. Widening the investigation of the source base for these uprisings and their following remains a crucial desideratum for a better understanding of the turbulent period of the Ottoman interregnum and the Ottoman-Byzantine transition in eastern Anatolia in the early fifteenth century. Apart from the social and political features of the rebellions (which have been treated in a variety of contrasting ideological and methodological frameworks, their striking religious dimension has been also increasingly attracting scholarly and general attention. Earlier and recent research on the Ottoman interregnum period have occasionally advanced arguments for the active participation of Christian heretical groups, whether Christian dualist (Bogomil or Paulician) or radical apocalyptic insurgents of Eastern or Western Christian provenance. Drawing on new advances in research on religious trends in the late Byzantine and Balkan Orthodox and early Ottoman religious life and inter-religious contacts, the paper will offer an reassessment of the evidence of such proposed Christian heretical presence in the uprisings, while also exploring other venues for the provenance of their religious and trans-confessional underpinnings.

18

Herezja jako czynnik rozwoju kultury. Rozważania na przykładzie działalności waldensów

63%

Ptaszek R. T.

Roczniki Kulturoznawcze

|

2018

|

vol. 9

|

issue 4

53-65

PL

Autor rozpoczyna tekst od uporządkowania kwestii terminologicznych. Wyjaśnia, czym w rozumieniu chrześcijaństwa jest herezja i czym różni się od schizmy. Odwołując się do książek Gilberta K. Chestertona, pokazuje także, jak współcześnie zmienia się sposób rozumienia oraz wartościowania pojęć „herezja” i „ortodoksja”. Następnie stawia i uzasadnia tezę, że herezje w sensie ścisłym nie są twórcze, to znaczy nie mogą przyczyniać się do postępu kultury, w ramach której funkcjonują. Podstawowy argument za taką tezą jest następujący: herezje nie rozwijają kultury, bo ich twórcy odrzucają jej dorobek (czyli dziedzictwo kulturowe) i za każdym razem próbują kształtować kulturę od nowa. Odwołując się do działalności ruchu waldensów, pokazuje, że herezje mogą być twórcze tylko pośrednio — to znaczy stanowiąc inspiracje do doskonalenia ortodoksyjnej religii. Doskonalenie to przejawia się w precyzowaniu dogmatów, a także w postaci modyfikacji sposobu funkcjonowania instytucji religijnych. Waldensi oddziałali na obu tych płaszczyznach. W kwestiach doktrynalnych ich rola polegała na tym, że pomogli Kościołowi katolickiemu wskazać i skrytykować te elementy doktryny katarów, które nie były zgodne z dogmatami chrześcijaństwa. Natomiast w kwestiach praktyczno-instytucjonalnych jako „ruch ubogich” przygotowali grunt pod działalność zakonów żebraczych.

EN

At the beginning of the text, the author sets in order some terminological issues. He explains how heresy is conceived on the ground of Christianity and how it differs from schism. He also shows contemporary changes in meaning and evaluation of concepts of “heresy” and “orthodoxy”. For that purpose, he refers to Gilbert K. Chesterton’s books. Then he proposes and proves the thesis that heresies in strict sense are not constructive, i.e. they cannot contribute to the progress of culture within which they exist. The main argument is as follows: heresies do not develop culture because their authors reject its achievements (i.e. cultural heritage) and try to shape the culture anew according to completely different principles. Referring to activity of the Waldenses movement, the author shows that heresies can be constructive only indirectly—as inspiration to improve the orthodox religion. This improvement consists in making dogmas more precise and also in modification of functioning of religious communities and institutions. The Waldenses had an influence on these two areas. On the matter of doctrine their role was that they helped the Catholic Church to point at and criticize these elements of Catharism which were in disagreement with Christian dogmas. When it comes to practical and institutional issues, as “the movement of the poor”, they prepared a ground for the mendicant orders.

19

Ortodoksja i herezja w relacjach ludzi i zwierząt

63%

Dietl A.

Stan Rzeczy

|

2020

|

issue 1(18) Herezja

179-203

PL

Dyskurs o ludzko-zwierzęcych relacjach w ciągu ostatnich lat istotnie nabrał na znaczeniu. Media reprezentujące różne światopoglądowo podejścia przyjęły w tym obszarze mocne i wzajemnie wykluczające się perspektywy. To społeczne zjawisko jest okazją do poszukiwania nowego teoretycznego podejścia do analizy socjologicznej. Artykuł ma charakter teoretyczno-empiryczny. W warstwie teoretycznej pokazuje, jak kategorie herezji i ortodoksji można wykorzystać, poza obszarem ścisłej teologii, do socjologicznego badania zjawisk społecznych. Przedstawiony zarys dyskursu herezjologicznego wykorzystany jest do wskazania nowych wymiarów wyjaśniających zmieniające się relacje ludzi i zwierząt. Uwaga nakierowana jest na prześledzenie sposobów przedstawiania siebie i własnej doktryny jako ortodoksji, a oponentów i głoszonych przez nich doktryn jako heretyków i herezji. W pracy analizowane są numery specjalne czasopism opiniotwórczych poświęcone tematyce zwierząt („Newsweek Polska”, „Polonia Christiana”, „Tygodnik Powszechny”), opublikowane w latach 2017–2019. Na podstawie materiału empirycznego widać, jak relacyjność wpisana w parę pojęć herezja–ortodoksja pozwala wydobyć istotę sporu dotyczącego „właściwego” sposobu postrzegania zwierząt i kształtowania ludzko-zwierzęcych relacji. Takie podejście pozwala pogłębić analizę współwystępowania odmiennych poglądów o aspekty ich wzajemnych odniesień oraz prześledzić proces uznawania ich za prawdziwe lub fałszywe. Uwzględnienie dyskursu herezjologicznego umożliwia lepsze zrozumienie dynamiki rywalizacji o zwycięstwo w przekazie symbolicznym.

EN

The discourse on the human–animal relationship has recently received wider attention in Poland. Periodicals with different ideological backgrounds have taken strong and mutually exclusive positions. This social phenomenon provides an opportunity to apply a novel theoretical approach to sociological analysis. In regard to theory, this paper shows how categories of heresy and orthodoxy can be applied beyond theology. The proposed outline of Christian heresiological discourse is used to indicate aspects worth considering in analyses of the changing relationships between humans and animals. In particular, the focus is on how people present themselves and their doctrine as orthodox while viewing their opponents as heretics holding heretical principles. The empirical analysis covers the special issues on animals published by influential Polish periodicals between 2017 and 2019. These periodicals (Newsweek Polska, Polonia Christiana, and Tygodnik Powszechny) were chosen for their different world-views. The paper demonstrates how relationality, inherent in the heresy–orthodoxy pair of concepts, allows to bring out contradictory narratives regarding the postulated way of perceiving animals and shaping human–animal relationships. The paper provides an in-depth analysis of the present conflicting views and spill-over effects, as well as of the dynamic process of recognising these views as true or false. Considering the heresiological discourse makes it possible to better understand the competition for cultural dominance.

20

Ortodoksja jako droga twórczego rozwoju dziecka w "Panarionie" Epifaniusza z Salaminy

63%

Gilski M., Wysocki M.

Vox Patrum

|

2022

|

vol. 83

205-220

EN

The article deals with the issue of a child in Epiphanius of Salamis’ Panarion. The paper consists of three main parts: the first shows the meaning of childhood according to Epiphanius, the second presents the negative attitudes of heretics towards children, and in the last the Christ’s childhood is analysed. As a result of analysis we can state that according to Epiphanius 1. Childhood is an important stage in the life of every person and the human kind, and should be creatively developed. It is a mistake to try to distance oneself from the values obtained in childhood; 2. In Panarion there is no details of the childhood of heresiarchs with few exceptions; 3. The image of a child closely related to orthodox theology emerges from the pages of the catalogue of heresies. Negative attitudes towards children are related to the activities of heretics; 4. Panarion is a proof that in the first centuries, in the time of persecution and the rise of various heresies, many Christian families failed in religious education as their children did not persist in the orthodox faith in which they were raised.

PL

Artykuł podejmuje problematykę dziecka w Panarionie Epifaniusza z Salaminy. Składa się z trzech części: pierwsza ukazuje znaczenie dzieciństwa, w drugiej prezentowane są negatywne postawy sekt wobec dzieci, w ostatniej analizie poddano dzieciństwo Zbawiciela. Do najważniejszych wniosków płynących z analiz należą: 1. Dzieciństwo jest ważnym etapem w życiu pojedynczego człowieka i całej ludzkości, który należy twórczo rozwinąć. Błędem są próby odcinania się od wartości otrzymanych w dzieciństwie; 2. Brak jest w Panarionie, poza nielicznymi wyjątkami, szczegółów na temat dzieciństwa herezjarchów; 3. Z kart katalogu herezji wyłania się obraz dziecka ściśle związany z poprawną teologią. Negatywne postawy względem dzieci są związane z działalnością sekt; 4. Panarion jest dowodem na to, że w pierwszych wiekach, w epoce prześladowań i powstawania wielu herezji, wiele chrześcijańskich rodzin poniosło wychowawczą porażkę. Ich dzieci nie wytrwały w wierze, w której zostały wychowane.

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Herezja jako grzech przeciwko świętości Kościoła.

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Public Penance of Heretics: its Forms and Functions

Główne postacie herezji XII i XIII wieku

Blumenberg’s Thinking as a Phenomenological Heresy and the Lifeworld as an Impossible Metaphor

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Heresy and Orthodoxy Now: The Zigzagging Paths of the Lawful

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John of Damascus: rewriting the division of heresy and schism

The religious Other in the Histories of Gregory of Tours

Gołębnik przejrzał na oczy. Ludowy spisek w siedemnastowiecznej Italii

Christian Heretical Participation in the Rebellion of Börklüce Mustafa and Sheikh Bedreddin – Reappraising the Evidence

Herezja jako czynnik rozwoju kultury. Rozważania na przykładzie działalności waldensów

Ortodoksja i herezja w relacjach ludzi i zwierząt

Ortodoksja jako droga twórczego rozwoju dziecka w "Panarionie" Epifaniusza z Salaminy