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PL
The Democratic Party (SD) started its underground activities in the first months of German occupation. It played a significant role in Underground Poland, although considerably minor in comparison with the activity of the four parties of the Govemment coalition. Its role is confirmed by the participation, among others, in the Main Political Council; in its wide publishing and propaganda action, underground education, sabotage and military operations. It was different political views held by party members that were responsible for the party split-up. On July 4, 1943 (an underground convention) beside the Democratic Party “Prostokąt” (“Rectangle”) there came into being the Polish Democratic Party (SPD). In autumn 1943,  SPD created the Youth Division, which was named the Movement of the Young Democracy. Apart from Warsaw region the Democratic Party conducted its activities also in the regions of Cracow, Lodź, Lvov and Vilnius. Among those, the Cracow organisation was particularly active. Some of the organisations that were active during the years of war and occupationwere connected with the Democratic Party, such as Polish Peasants’ Independence Organisation and Revolutionary and Independence Union. Besides, the Democratic Party “Prostokąt” and SPD initiated larger-scale democratic agreements: Social Organisation of Self-defence, Democratic Union, Centralisation of Democratic, Socialist and Syndicalism Unions. Some members of the party emigrated from the country, others continued their political work abroad, e.g. in France, Great Britain and Belgium.
PL
A long interregnum period following the death of Jan III Sobieski  contributed to the development of political writings. Letters, which were written then, reflected the moods of the Polish gentry and testified to the character of the epoch. To a degree, they also madę an impact on the outcome of the struggle for the Polish throne.The most serious candidates to succeed to the throne were Prince Jakub  Sobieski, son of the deceased ruler, and Francis Louis de Bourbon, nephew of Great Conde, Prince Conti, who was supported by the French diplomatic circles. The Polish nobility held the strong opinion that one of those  pretenders would take the highest position in the country. Conseąuently, the two were in the midst of a fierce political struggle.His supporters presented Jakub as a son of a powerful monarch and a warranty of good relationships with Poland’s neighbours. They emphasised the fact that it had always been kings’ sons who were the successors to the Polish throne until that time. The opponents accused the candidate of striving to obtain foreign military help and of a too strong attachmentto Austria. Prince Conti, as viewed by the supporters of France was an exquisite commander, who was in possession of great wealth and who was excellently prepared to be a ruler. Many sources, however, ąuestioned both his ruling talent and his fmancial promise. Some doubt was also expressed that the Republic of Poland would get involved in a conflict with the neighbouring states after his election on the instigation of Versailles.The “pen struggle” about the two pretenders tumed out to be rather destructive. It exposed their merits and faults and their satirical image. The Saxon elector, Frederick August I Wettin, who unexpectedly put forward his own candidature in 1697 managed to avoid the commotion. He was almost completely unknown by the Polish nobles, which paradoxically tumed out to his advantage. Before the political stmggle reached him, thanks to his determination, military power, and support of the Republic’s neighbours he succeeded to the throne and strengthened his mle soon afterwards.
PL
After the conclusion of war, Korea was divided along the meridian 38. North Korea was placed under the Soviet control and South Korea under the American domination. The Russians were particularly interested in keeping control over the Korean ports, however they were unable to push their idea of forming one govemment for whole Korea. Since the beginning of 1946 they have continued to undertake actions aimed at the transfer of the authority to rule over the land of Korea to the north of 38°N to the communists. Moscow was not immediately involved in the plans of including Korea in the territory of socialist influence, and the Korean people lost their only chance to unite their country because they “lacked wisdom to mediate between two conflicting superpowers.”
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wprowadzenie do tematyki badawczej historii politycznej polskiej piłki nożnej. Uzasadnia on konieczność prowadzenia badań nad futbolem w zakresie nauk o polityce, porządkuje podstawowe pojęcia oraz proponuje spójne ramy metodologiczne w postaci symultanicznego zastosowania metody systemowej i decyzyjnej. Zawiera także autorską koncepcję periodyzacji historii politycznej polskiego futbolu oraz wykaz podstawowej bazy bibliograficznej i archiwalnej dla proponowanych badań. Zaprezentowane wyniki badań potwierdzają, że futbol jest istotnym i właściwym obszarem badań dla politologa.
EN
The aim of this article is to introduce the topic of research on the political history of the Polish football. The article demonstrates the importance of political research on football, it clarifies the basic concepts and proposes a coherent methodological framework in the form of simultaneous application of both the system analysis and the decision method. The article presents also the author’s concept of historical periodization of the Polish football and a list of basic references and archives for the proposed research. The research results presented in this paper prove that football is an important and relevant field of research for a political scientist.
PL
The article is an attempt to analyse the role of research on the Eastern Bloc political history for European Studies as an academic discipline. The main discussed issue is the concept of European Studies sensu largo by Konstanty A. Wojtaszczyk and Wojciech Jakubowski. The article is a general source-methodological reflection on the its author’s doctoral thesis on decisional analysis of „»Radosław’s« case” between 1949–1956. W artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie o miejsce i znaczenie badań z zakresu najnowszej historii politycznej państw bloku wschodniego dla rozwoju studiów europejskich jako dyscypliny badań naukowych. Punktem wyjścia rozważań jest koncepcja studiów europejskich sensu largo przedstawiona przez Konstantego A. Wojtaszczyka i Wojciecha Jakubowskiego. Publikacja ma formę refleksji metodologiczno- źródłoznawczej, opartej o pracę doktorską autora, której temat stanowi analiza decyzyjna tzw. „sprawy »Radosława«” w latach 1949–1956.
PL
W artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie o miejsce i znaczenie badań z zakresu najnowszej historii politycznej państw bloku wschodniego dla rozwoju studiów europejskich jako dyscypliny badań naukowych. Punktem wyjścia rozważań jest koncepcja studiów europejskich sensu largo przedstawiona przez Konstantego A. Wojtaszczyka i Wojciecha Jakubowskiego. Publikacja ma formę refleksji metodologiczno-źródłoznawczej, opartej o pracę doktorską autora, której temat stanowi analiza decyzyjna tzw. „sprawy »Radosława«” w latach 1949-1956.
EN
The article is an attempt to analyse the role of research on the Eastern Bloc political history for European Studies as an academic discipline. The main discussed issue is the concept of European Studies sensu largo by Konstanty A. Wojtaszczyk and Wojciech Jakubowski. The article is a general source-methodological reflection on the its author’s doctoral thesis on decisional analysis of „»Radosław’s« case” between 1949-1956.
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PL
Obecny status prawny Naddniestrza nie jest jednoznaczny, a jego ocena w kontekście posiadania odrębnej państwowości stanowi przedmiot sporów badaczy zajmujących się problematyką teorii państwa, prawa międzynarodowego, stosunków międzynarodowych i nauk politycznych. Niniejsze opracowanie stanowi pewien początkowy etap badań nad statusem prawnym ziem naddniestrzańskich i ma na celu wywiedzenie genezy ustrojowej regionu. Stanowi cząstkowe wyniki szerzej zakrojonych badań nad statusem Naddniestrza, które z pewnością przyczynią się do wiarygodnych wniosków w tym zakresie w późniejszych stadiach badawczych. Przed- miotem opracowania jest analiza historyczna początków kształtowania się narodu, a później również państwa na ziemiach naddniestrzańskich, sięgająca czasów staro- żytnych, ewoluująca w okresie średniowiecza, poprzez przynależność tych terenów do Rusi Kijowskiej, później zaś do państwa mołdawskiego oraz częściowo również do Korony Polskiej. Analiza obejmuje ponadto badanie statusu tych ziem w okresie dominacji tureckiej i rosyjskiej. Szczególnie ważnym okresem dla kształtowania się państwowości regionu bez wątpienia pozostaje wiek XX i XXI oraz jego historia najnowsza, zwłaszcza proces tworzenia i ewolucja niepodległego państwa, które po 25 latach istnienia wciąż plasuje się wśród nielicznych tworów powszechnie nieuznawanych przez społeczność międzynarodową.
EN
Nowadays the legal status of Transnistria neither seems to be obvious nor distinctly determined, and its estimation in the context of the region’s statehood has been a subject of disputes of the theorists of state, international lawyers, experts in international relations and political sciences. The hereby paper is a starting phase of the research over the region’s legal status and aims at deriving the genesis of Transnistria’s government and po- litics. It is the fragmentary result of a wider research over Transdniester’s status, which will by all means contribute to the reliable conclusions in this scope on the further re- search stages. The subject of the work is the historical analysis of the beginnings of shaping the nation and later also a state in Transnistria, dating back to the Ancient Times, through the Middle Ages, including its belonging to Kievan Rus’, later to the Moldavian state, and partly also to the Polish Crown. The analysis also contains the examining of its status during the Turkish and Russian dominations. 20 th and 21 st centuries, being its newest history, are undoubtedly particularly important periods of Transnistria’s political history, especially the process of forming and development of the independent state which, despite existing for over 25 years, is still placed among a group of few creatures unrecognized by the international community.
Acta Politica Polonica
|
2018
|
vol. 46
|
issue 4
47-71
EN
The article focuses on political boycott and the aim of this paper is theoretical characteristic of this phenomenon by microstudy of activity of parliamentary opposition during crisis in the Sejm at the turn of 2016 and 2017. On that case and in reference to extensive political science literature author analyzes distinctive manifestations and constitutive features of political boycott, as well as considers the problem of (de)legitimization in the context of boycott situation. These theoretical findings allow to properly assess discussed events in the Sejm, as well as establish a basis for more efficient analysis and evaluation of similar circumstances in the future.
PL
Celem niniejszego opracowania jest teoretyczna charakterystyka bojkotu politycznego. Na przykładzie działań opozycji parlamentarnej podczas kryzysu sejmowego z przełomu 2016 i 2017 roku i w odwołaniu do bogatej literatury politologicznej autor analizuje najważniejsze formy i cechy konstytutywne tej formy protestu, a także rozważa kwestię legitymizacji i delegitymizacji działań obu stron w sytuacji bojkotowej. Ustalenia teoretyczne pozwalają na właściwą ocenę omawianych wydarzeń, a także stwarzają podstawę do efektywniejszej niż dotąd analizy i właściwej oceny tego zjawiska politycznego w przyszłości.
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