Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 21

first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  historical materialism
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
EN
The main aim of the text is to prove, how the Marxian effort to define the idea of a historical progress within the frames of Marx’ concept of materialism leads to the necessity of putting on the agenda the question of universal liberation of the human subject. The general standpoint is, that Marx’ historiosophical apparatus, generally defined as “historical materialism” leads with immanent necessity from one side – to the equation of the question about the essence of history with the question about its subject, from the other – as Marx leaves Hegelian “Kingdom of Spirit” and engages himself in the issues of material reproduction of human life, to the situation, when the problem of a real content of human emancipation situates itself in the centre of the scope. Presenting historical materialism as a theory of a real social revolution, the text stresses also the problems connected with the idea of “realization” of philosophy and its historical determinants, which make it the same time a theoretical achievement and a problematic program of real social movement; the history and the present day of this movement has for sure its foundations deeply rooted in the space of the debate, which was the first effort of summing up the experience of the Enlightment.
EN
The main objective of this paper is to present a reinterpretation of Karl Popper’s position on the methodological and sociopolitical views of Karl Marx. In spite of the weaknesses of the Popper’s critique of the achievements of Marx, special attention will be focused on the explanation of contradictions within the epistemological position of the former. This will be of great importance in the context of the analysis of Marx’s historicism, and will also help undermine the coherence view of the founder of falsifi cationism. Additionally, this newly developed perspective will serve as a starting point for evaluation of Marx’s intellectual output, as well as conceptions that refer to him.
EN
In the article I tried to conduct a comparative analiysis of Marx's historical materialism and the theory of social fields by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. In the first step I discussed the two conceptions separately, to compare them in the second part of the text. Of course the short form of article do not provide enough space to perform a very thorough analysis, so I concentrated on this aspect of the two theories which in my opinion are the most important. I wanted to show the even if Bourdieu criticized Marx - from the left side - he also took his intellectual heritage seriously and did not throw Marx away, but tried to modifiy his thought in some areas which - in his opinion - were indefensible.
EN
The study deals with the criticism of the policy of the Ľudovít Štúr and his generation during the years 1848/49 by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels in the context of their broader analysis of the situation in the Habsburg monarchy. The paper also presents the basic characteristics of the ideas that Marx and Engels presented, as well as sketch of their attitude towards nationalism and nation. At the end, the study offers a brief overview of Štúr's reception of Marxism.
EN
This article attempts to present the main elements of Poland’s interwar Socialist interpretation of Marxism and its theoretical heritage. The Polish Socialist Party (PPS) in the interwar period was a rather pragmatic party, but had defined itself as strictly Marxist. In the view of party leaders, the core of Marxism was the theory of historical materialism which they considered as a theory explaining the process of social change. They interpreted Marxism in a scientistic way as the best method of social research, devoid of ontological theses and claims; they were convinced that philosophical materialism is not an integral part of Marxism. Poland’s interwar Socialist interpretation of Marx’s heritage was not highly sophisticated; this was typical of the party members of the Labour and Socialist International (Sozialistische Arbeiter-Internationale). The main theoretical authorities for Polish socialists were at that time Karl Kautsky, Otto Bauer, Max Adler. The type of Marxism represented by these thinkers was an important source of the Polish Socialist Party’s political thought in the interwar period.
PL
Polska Partia Socjalistyczna była jedną z najpoważniejszych sił politycznych II Rzeczypospolitej. Stanowiła integralną część systemu politycznego państwa, wobec tego w taktyce postępowania jej liderów pierwiastki pragmatyczne dominowały nad wiernością wobec ideologicznej ortodoksji. PPS definiowała się jako partia marksistowska. W opinii polskich socjalistów rdzeniem marksizmu była teoria materializmu historycznego, traktowana jako metoda badawcza służąca przede wszystkim do wyjaśniania procesu zmiany społecznej. Ich interpretacja marksizmu była w specyficzny sposób scjentystyczna. Zdaniem polskich socjalistów, filozoficzny materializm nie stanowił integralnej części marksizmu. Ten sposób interpretacji tradycji marksistowskiej był dość typowy dla partii zrzeszonych wówczas w Socjalistycznej Międzynarodówce Robotniczej (Sozialistische Arbeiter-Internationale). W środowisku pepeesowskim najwyżej ceniono takich teoretyków, jak Karl Kautsky, Otto Bauer, Max Adler i in. Zaczerpnięte od nich koncepcje stanowiły istotny element myśli politycznej międzywojennej PPS.
EN
The paper is an attempt to reconstruct the content of the drama Dzieci nie chcą żyć (Children Don’t Want to Live) by Marcelina Grabowska as well as its staging and reception. Using the methodology from the field of philosophy of history (Benjamin), theory of performance (Rebecca Schneider) and anthropology of memory (Michel-Rolph Trouillot), the authoress analyses the collected archival material. She thus problematizes the notion of a silent archive and an archival gap. The archives concerning probably the first and only staging of Grabowska’s play (May 1938) and the sociopolitical reality turn out to be the subject of reflection upon the materiality of history and recurrence of time. The crisis of psychological support for children and adolescents of the 1930s comes into dialogue with the (re)current appearance of this issue that happened during the pandemic. The paper contributes to the feminist archive production as a consciously political and architectural gesture that supports non-hegemonic narratives of the history of Polish theatre.
EN
The paper offers a reconstruction and re-evalutation of the philosophy of history developed by Li Dazhao (1889–1927) – one of the first Chinese Communists. It is argued that despite its marginal treatment in scholarly literature, Li’s philosophy stands out from the thought of other Chinese Marxists for its creative interpretation of historical materialism and a critical engagement with Marx’s view of class struggle and the economic base. Furthermore, in his philosophy of history, Li Dazhao innovatively draws on the Confucian idea of Great Unity (datong), Daoist criticism of heroism, and, most importantly, the concept of ‘life’ in Lebensphilosophie. In addition, the article shows that Li’s view of the historical process was consistently complemented with an exceptional meta-philosophy of history and the philosophy of historiography which shared the premises of the much later narrativist epistemology of history.
EN
The article presents the understanding of freedom and democracy from the perspective of Athusser’s theory of ideology. Freedom turns out to be a subtle medium of interpellation in modern capitalist society and plays a role similar to religion and god in feudal society. The foundation for the freedom is the individual, the private ownership of the workforce. Democracy is in the modern world concretization of freedom and as a kind of universalism fulfills today, like freedom, first of all functions of a war machine and epistemological obstacle. Freedom, democracy is a empty advanced vehicles for various ideological, political, philosophical content.
EN
This article covers the development of sociology as a scientific discipline in Belarus in the period of the 1960s through 1980s. It analyses the close interrelation between sociological and philosophical knowledge. It also looks at the phenomenon of the double identity of the sociologist and the philosopher, leading to their reciprocal influence. The indirect influences of Western sociological and philosophical conceptions are explained as an important source of sociology’s development. Analysis shows that some Western ideas were known rather well and were presented in academic publications and textbooks in the form of “criticism of bourgeois science,” which, despite its critical form, could often provide real information. Analysis of the main texts (monographs, textbooks, and dictionaries, as well as memoirs) helps to cover the main problems, approaches, works, and concepts that were transferred to, and referred to, in Belarusian sociology in the period of the 1960s through 1980s. The process of transfer had a slow but permanent and constant character and the usage of Western conceptions became ever more normal and legitimated. The findings reveal the real importance of “Western” knowledge as a “shadow” factor in the development of sociology (often in close connection with philosophy) in Soviet Belarus in the 1960s through 1980s.
Nowa Krytyka
|
2012
|
issue 29
205-227
EN
The aim of this article is to identify the differences between literal - often superficial - using the achievements of Karl Marx and the real potential of the classic theory of socio-economic. The area of its application will be events and processes taking place in the area, generally speaking, the new economy. This literal use the creator’s thought of historical materialism is not indeed the most harmful. There are intellectuals who use the name of Marx as a tool for ideological struggle. For example, accusing supporters of "free software" infatuation with the Communism. So it is Marx's theory and the person falsely useful to all those who contrary to the scientific interpretation of the thoughts the author of "the Capital" treat them as an "element of the practical doctrine". Meanwhile, the legacy of Karl Marx has considerable - in our opinion - the explanatory potential. The current discourse related phenomena such as downloading music or video materials from the Internet is based on legal interpretations of property rights. This state of affairs is obviously not without influence on the shape of the debate from the perspective of sociological reflection on society distorted image created by the legal doctrine. In this text we will try to demonstrate that the scientific description of empirical facts related to intellectual property rights can only benefit from the introduction to the elements drawn from Marx’s theory. A tool to make such an attempt would be a reinterpretation of the major categories in this debate on the basis of - derived primarily from the German philosopher - a category of property.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
|
2017
|
vol. 23
|
issue 1
16-23
EN
This essay attempts to outline a historical method developed from the late writings of Walter Benjamin. Arlette Farge argues that in Passagenwerk, the work about Leskov and in On the Concept of History, the German philosopher succeeded in portraying a new way of thinking about history. This was an approach that offered the historian access not only to facts but also to particular experiences, felt emotions, desires or dreams. As Farge posits, Michel Foucault and Michel de Certeau, among others, conducted their studies using a similar method.
PL
Esej stanowi próbę naszkicowania metody historycznej budowanej w oparciu o późne pisma Waltera Benjamina. Arlette Farge przekonuje, że w Pasażach, pracy o Leskowie i w O pojęciu historii niemieckiemu filozofowi udało się przedstawić nowy sposób myślenia o historii, dający szanse na dotarcie nie tylko do suchych faktów, ale do konkretnych doświadczeń, przeżywanych emocji, pragnień, snutych marzeń. Jak przekonuje Farge, przy użyciu podobnej metody swoje badania mieli prowadzić między innymi Michel Foucault oraz Michel de Certeau.
EN
To argue for the acknowledgment of the importance of historical materialism today when the cold-war and communism have for more than two decades ceased to exist it might create the perception of appearing dejected. Yet such a task which we attempt to take in this work is possible, if only because of the way that our actuality has depicted itself. One can argue for example that the significance of historical materialism as an elucidating method was never reliant on the success of the authoritarian regimes of communism that gave it a face of their own, any more than has traditional conservatism been dependent on social Darwinism, racist or/and aggressive regimes. Beyond this indication we argue of the possibility that historical materialism can be recognised as explanatory system, as one that in derivation and maturity has as its focus of analysis and particularly lays emphasis on what more than ever before governs our social world today, capitalism. The cold war proved the ground or rather the fit for concealing the social and economic divide and made that division namely in competing strategic interest: with the failure of communism and the freeing of historical materialism itself, IR might as well accept the degree to which socio-economic issues determined its agenda and policy of the west.
Nowa Krytyka
|
2016
|
issue 37
149-172
EN
Historical materialism and social psychology are in deep and underestimated relationship. As historical materialism constitutes a theoretical framework for social psychology, the social psychology brings a great amount of data which updates the Marxist legacy. The problem often raised is psychology’s focus on individual and explaining the whole reality from its point of view whereas historical materialism definitely stands on the position of methodological anti-individualism. Nevertheless individualistic social psychology does not deny the anti-individualistic approach in social sciences in general. Individuals are social, are part of society and even if individual consciousness and practice are not conclusive for social processes, they must be examined with the same respect. There is a space for individualism in Marxism as well. One of the keypoints of historical materialism is mutual relation between social conditions reflecting in consciousness and humans transforming these conditions through their material practice. This assumption considered from individualistic perspective is equal with human entity shaped by its social relations and historical circumstances and transforming these relations through its behaviour. It corresponds with definitions of social psychology – individuals’ thinking, feeling and behaving stems from their social setup, but they influence this setup as well. The Marxist social psychology is then legit and can be continued with the psychology’s data already collected.
EN
This paper focuses on some specific aspects of the theory developed by Karl Marx, who as a philosopher distanced himself from philosophy because he questioned its tra-ditional forms. Marx postulated tying philosophical cognition to scientific study (today known as inter-disciplinary research), he also strongly emphasised the importance of complementarity between social theory and social praxis. Marxism brought a break-through which paved the way for the philosophies of the 20th-century. The author de-votes particular attention to Marxism’s forecasts, and concludes that, although Marx can be counted among the pioneers of globalisation having foreseen capitalism’s global expansion, today’s social trends appear to be steering away from the kingdom of free-dom he envisioned.
EN
In Karl Marx’s “Preface” to the second edition of Capital, Volume 1, he famously wrote that with Hegel dialectical thinking is “standing on its head. It must be turned right side up again, if you would discover the rational kernel within the mystical shell.”1 Unfortunately, across a wide spectrum of interpretations of Marxism, there continues to be a great deal of confusion about what Marx means by the “rational kernel” that he discerns within the Hegelian “mystical shell.” But not just a great deal of confusion, but real mystification and distortion of what Marx himself means by dialectical thinking, and especially what a dialectical mode of explanation involves. The concern of this brief paper is to offer some considerations that might open up a clearer conceptual horizon for understanding Marx’s method of dialectical explanation, and the fundamental can-ons of interpretation that are associated with it.
PL
W artykule określone zostało miejsce nauki historycznej w perspektywie ideologicznej władz bolszewickich. Ustalono przyczyny dążenia komunistów do gruntownego przebudowania systemu nauczania w Rosji bolszewickiej oraz metod wcielania w życie nowych ideologicznych wykładni. W artykule tym przeanalizowano zmiany w obrębie sposobu postrzegania i przedstawiania historii, tematów podejmowanych przez badaczy, jak i samej formy narracji historycznej.
EN
The article determines the place of historical science in the ideological perspective of the Bolshevik authorities. The reasons for the Communists’ endeavours to thoroughly remodel the educational system in Bolshevik Russia and change the methods of implementing new ideological interpretations are established. This article analyzes the innovations in perceiving and presenting history, the subjects studied by researchers, as well as the historical narrative itself.
EN
The aim of this article is to outline the theory of a historical process developed within the framework of the Poznań School of Methodology, mainly by Leszek Nowak and a team of his co-workers. In the first part of the paper, the meta-philosophical and meta-theoretical assumptions of Poznań school are reconstructed and juxtaposed with the relevant assumptions of Western analytical Marxism. In the central part of the paper, the main ideas of adaptive reconstruction of historical materialism and non-Marxian historical materialism are presented. In its final part, some problems of reception of Leszek Nowak’s theory of historical process in Polish People’s Republic and the Third Republic are discussed.
PL
Celem artykułu jest interpretacja teorii procesu historycznego rozwijanej w poznańskiej szkole metodologicznej przez Leszka Nowaka i zespól jego współpracowników. W pierwszej części artykułu przedstawiana metafilozoficzne i metateoretyczne założenia poznańskiej szkoły metodologicznej, które zestawiane są z założeniami zachodniego marksizmu analitycznego. W drugiej, zasadniczej części artykułu przedstawione są główne idee adaptacyjnej interpretacji materializmu historycznego i nie-Marksowskiego materializmu historycznego, zaś w trzeciej - problemy recepcji teorii procesu historycznego rozwijanej przez Leszka Nowaka w PRL i III RP.
19
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Nie być człowiekiem partyjnym

51%
PL
Esej „No ser hombre de partido” autorstwa José Ortegi y Gasseta ukazał się po raz pierwszy w argentyńskim czasopiśmie La Nación. Został podzielony na dwie części. Pierwszą opublikowano 15 maja 1930 r., drugą zaś 3 czerwca 1930 r. Przedmiotem refleksji jest tutaj problem „partyjności”, który rozpatruje się z dwóch perspektyw — metafizycznej i społecznej. Pierwsza czyni z „partyjności” przejaw kompensacji, tj. zafałszowania własnego bytu i braku akceptacji dla własnego powołania. Druga z kolei wskazuje, że partyjność stanowi zjawisko historyczne, którego początki sięgają XIX stulecia. To wówczas pojawia się po raz pierwszy wykładnia społeczeństwa jako permanentnej i wiecznej walki, co wymaga ukonstytuowania walczących ze sobą grup, tj. partii. Ortega natomiast pragnie przezwyciężyć obie wersje partyjności. Dlatego staje po stronie autentyczności naszego jednostkowego życia i nieuwarunkowanych partyjnie idei, uczuć i wartości.
EN
The essay „No ser hombre de partido” by José Ortega y Gasset was published for the first time in the Argentinian magazine La Nación. It has been divided into two parts. The first was published on May 15, 1930. The second was June 3, 1930. The subject of reflection is the problem of “partisanism,” which is considered from two perspectives — metaphysical and social. The first one makes “partisanism” a manifestation of compensation, falsification of one’s being and lack of acceptance for one’s own vocation. The second one indicates that “partisanism” is a historical phenomenon, the beginning of which is the nineteenth century. Then, for the first time, society is understood as a permanent and eternal struggle. This requires as a consequence the constitution of fighting groups, called parties. Ortega, on the other hand, wants to overcome both versions of “partisanism.” Therefore, it is on the side of the authenticity of our individual life and independent of the party, ideas, feelings and values.
EN
The authors of the article discuss the debate in the international labour movement regarding the significance of the Russian Revolution in first years following the Bolsheviks’ rise to power. The primary point of reference is the argumentation in defense of the Bolshevik policy put forward by Leon Trotsky in his Terrorism and Communism (1920). The work was the Bolshevik intellectuals’ most elaborate attempt at countering the claims of Karl Kautsky. The latter aimed to prove that the practice and theory of Bolshevism stood in clear opposition to key Marxist principles.
PL
W artykule autorzy przedstawiają debatę w międzynarodowym ruchu robotniczym dotyczącą wykładni znaczenia rewolucji rosyjskiej w pierwszych latach po przejęciu władzy przez bolszewików. Głównym punktem odniesienia jest tu argumentacja, którą w obronie polityki bolszewickiej przedstawił Lew Trocki w pracy Terroryzm i komunizm (1920). Była ona najbardziej rozbudowaną próbą odparcia przez intelektualistów bolszewickich argumentów Karla Kautskiego. Ten ostatni starał się wykazać, że teoria i praktyka bolszewików oznaczała zerwanie z kluczowymi zasadami i koncepcjami marksizmu.
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.