Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 4

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  history of politics
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

The Myth of Autonomy: Subjectivity, Heteronomy and the Violence of Liberalism Individualism

100%
Stevenson Murer J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2010
|
vol. 39
126-148
EN
Self-actualization is often touted but rarely achieved. The Liberal frame that champions autonomy requires strict conformity: conformity to laws assured by state force, conformity to market transaction assured by privileging private property, conformity to limited collective action assured by the social atomization which comes from the construction of negative rights. This paper explores the many impediments to autonomous self-actualization within the rubric of liberalism, including the superegoistic internalizations of mores and taboos elucidated by Western-oriented psychoanalysis. It further explores the possibility that self-actualization may be more readily achieved through what Gramsci referred to as “heteronomy:” selfconsciously engaged collective social action. By examining the mechanisms of self-limitation through the dynamics of superego development, the paper posits that self-actualization may best be realized through collective articulation of ethics and morality which are constantly situational. In this, the paper takes up the Deleuzian and Guattarian propositions of simultaneous, multiplicitious identities, deterritorialized and evaluated only within the multitude of a given moment in time and space. The dynamic and contextual quality of this discursive engagement is not one of relativity, but characterized by the intersubjectivity of the participants. ! is specificity – specificity of interlocutors, specificity of locality, and specificity of time – provides for unique self-actualization, which neither reifies nor objectifies selves, but suggests that individuals are not essences, but subjective beings which are as dynamic as the social situations they create. Thus self-actualization cannot be achieved alone, but only within a collective discursive context. This context must be characterized as a social forum of praxis, for instrumentality or technical motivations disrupt the contributions not only of the actor guided by techne, but the contributions of the whole for disingenuousness makes intersubjectivity impossible. Collectively articulated ethics and morals cannot be adjudicated by a discursive forum which is tainted by motives of self-gain. Instrumentality of one impedes the ability of all others to self-actualize. Thus, self-actualization only comes within the context of heteronymous action. ! is paper will thus interrogate the consequences of inverting the age-old problem of public action – autonomous self-actualization is threatened by free-loading – and suggests that collective self-actualization is impeded by self-oriented, atomistic, instrumentality.
2
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

The relations between the Republic of Poland and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The historical analysis

80%
Burdelski M.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2010
|
vol. 39
226-240
EN
The sixtieth anniversary of entering into diplomatic relations between Republic of Poland and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea inclines to draw up a balance sheet. Korea is located far away from Poland, in a very different civilization circle, the neo-Confucian one. It has 5 thousand years of history; the legendary Tangun in a year 2333 B.C. has founded the first Korean state Kodzoson. The history is generally difficult, numerous invasions of grand neighbors (China, Japan). The Korean chronicle compared Korea to a prawn swimming in between of two whales. Such difficult history is also the attribute of Poland. Poland was also a subject of partitions, numerous invasions of the neighbors. Polish and Koreans have common national features: pride, inexorability and independence.
3
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

From undivided state power to the system of deconcentrated and decentralised state power. The political transformation of Poland

80%
Lutrzykowski A.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2011
|
vol. 40
28-42
EN
This paper is not an attempt to present the process of political changes that occurred in Poland after the end of the Second World War. Its aim is to indicate and explain the characteristics of the process of political change which after 1945 turned Poland into a totalitarian socialist state, and from 1989 led to the construction of the democratic state. The fate of Poland and other Eastern European countries was decided by the strategic interests of the great powers. The memory of the victims of war and democratic axiology gave way to the calculations and domination of force. Many nations were deprived of subjectivity and the possibility of sovereign choice in their future development. In Poland the place of the sovereign nation had been taken by a small group of politicians who became the plenipotentiaries of the Soviet leadership. The creation of the totalitarian system was an essential precondition for the implementation of the Stalinist model of society entirely dominated by the Communist Party, the state described as socialist, and its apparatus of repression. The rule over the nation, although it was called the dictatorship of the proletariat, was a dictatorship over the enslaved society. Only the gradual erosion and finally the collapse of the centre of communist world, created in this part of Europe the possibility to choose freely the model of collective life. The victory of the Polish Solidarity and the fall of Berlin Wall alike symbolize the overcoming the post-Yalta order and the return of these nations to the European, democratic idea of social order. After 1989 the political solutions in which power is protecting the needs, interests and aspirations of each individual as well as the common good, considered the summum bonnum, were chosen. This power is by its very nature decentralised.
4

Myśl społeczno-polityczna i gospodarcza księcia Leona Sapiehy (1803–1878)

80%
Szpak J.
Historia Slavorum Occidentis
|
2014
|
issue 1(6)
92-118
EN
Prince Leon Sapieha was one of the most prominent Polish politicians and socio-economic activists of the period of national subjugation. Given that Sapieha was involved in taking most political and economic decisions in Eastern Galicia in the years 1836–1875, his views, beliefs and ideas were of utmost importance for shaping the opinion of the Galician society. The experience of the November uprising brought about Sapieha’s fi rm rejection of an uprising as a means of regaining independence by Poland. Neither did he count on the intervention of the European powers in the Polish interest. He believed that independence could be achieved either as a result of a European war in which the invaders would fi ght on opposite sides, or, alternatively, owing to international treaties. A supporter of organic work, Leon Sapieha held that the main task of the Polish society was to build the political, cultural and economic power of the nation, with the help of the peasants, won over for the national cause. An advocator of public education regardless of sex and state, Sapieha perceived education as the only means of the national awakening of the peasantry and attached fundamental importance to improving the situation of the peasants and other social groups. In the Prince’s view, religious and moral values should be inherent in the socio-economic and political life. Sapieha believed in the distinctiveness of the national identity of Poles and Ruthenians. Both nations were supposed to cooperate closely. His socio-political and economic ideas put Sapieha close to the right, his program almost identical to those of other positivists. Leon Sapieha’s opinions were largely shaped by his social standing, his own experience, education and upbringing he received in the family home. His ideas were to some extent infl uenced by the then political thought, including that of Edmund Burke, Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Thomas Macaulay. Of great importance were the opinions of Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, Andrzej Zamoyski and Franciszek Ksawery Drucki-Lubecki. Leon Sapieha’s major goal was sovereign Poland.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.