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EN
The normative definition of poaching became a part of the domestic legal order along with the implementation of the Act on the Hunting Law of 13 October 1995. Making use of the circumstance whether a given act of poaching, as a differentiating criterion, is sanctioned by criminal or criminal-administrative responsibility, permits to isolate two contexts of the term ‘poaching’. In a broad sense it will overlap with its normative definition accepted in art. 4 par. 3 of the Hunting Law, whereas poaching proper (sensu stricto) will concern only these behaviours 12 that are intended to take possession of game in the manner which is not hunting or by violating the conditions of admissibility of hunting, which – at the same time – exhaust the signs of a crime or an offence aimed at protection of animals. Among the regulations which typify acts of this kind, the basic role in fighting the hunting crime is played by art. 53 item 4 of the Hunting Law, which penalizes execution of hunting by people who do not hold relevant licences to do so. The changes that followed in consequence of the amendment of the Hunting Law in 2004 were an expression of the legislator’s wish to separate the question of being licensed to hunt from the requirement of holding relevant documents while performing it. An unintended consequence of that move has been, however, a general exclusion of penalization of hunting without relevant authorization. With reference to hunters, the charge of violation of art. 53 item 4 of the Hunting Law can concern exclusively the case of hunting performed by them despite the lack of ‘relevant’ licence. Thus, on the basis of it this can be a non-falconer who hunts with a bird of prey, or a non-selector hunting for males of the fallow-deer who can be held responsible. On the other hand, situations that are particularly vital from the point of view of threat posed to animals, ones that consist in execution of hunting by hunters who do not hold a licence issued by the tenant or administrator of the district remain outside the objective range of influence of the regulation.
PL
W artykule przedstawiony został sposób ukazania myśliwych we wspomnieniach polujących oraz podjęto próbę analizy – w zakresie formalnym i językowo-stylistycznym – ich językowo-kulturowej kreacji w świecie przedstawionym Szczęśliwych dni Stefana Badeniego oraz Wspomnień myśliwskich Juliana Ejsmonda. Analiza wyekscerpowanego materiału językowego dowodzi, iż w obu utworach wykreowany został złożony wizerunek łowcy. Pisarze zaznaczają, że dla polującego nie jest najważniejszy efekt końcowy łowów. Obaj twórcy eksponują doznawanie silnych wzruszeń w kontakcie z przyrodą, wspólne spędzanie czasu z osobami podzielającymi łowieckie pasje, przestrzeganie wielowiekowych tradycji, a w szczególności kultu Świętego Huberta; uwypuklają również wyjątkowość doświadczeń przynależnych tylko osobom polującym. W językowej kreacji myśliwego wykorzystują różnorodne środki językowo-stylistyczne (epitety, porównania, frazeologizmy, zmetaforyzowane wyrażenia, utrwalone w kulturze obrazy).
EN
The article depicts the image of hunters in memoirs of those who used to hunt. There has also been done the attempt of analysis of the linguistic and cultural creation of hunters in the world presented in “The Happy Days “ by Stafan Badeni and “ Memoirs of Hunters “ by Julian Ejsmond. The analysis of the excerpted parts shows that in both works the image of the hunter is complex. The writers point out that the final and total score of the hunting is not the main purpose of the hunter. Both writers signify strong feelings and emotions experienced in contact with the nature, spending time with people sharing the same passions, cultivating centuries – long traditions and the observation of the St. Hubert cult in particular; emphasize also the uniqueness of experiences witnessed only by those connected with hunting. Analyzing the linguistic creation there have been used various stylistic devices (epithets, idioms, metaphoric expressions, images preserved in culture).
EN
The topic of the article is the image of social roles in the hunter’s subculture. The analysed material was chosen from hunter’s memoirs and stories of the 19th and 20th centuries as well as periodicals (“Łowiec” ["Hunter"], “Łowiec Polski” ["Polish Hunter], “Myśliwy” ["Hunter"]). The hunter’s literature has a great informative and documentary potential, and therefore it can serve as a basis of social and cultural conclusions. The hunter’s culture is closed, conservative, patriarchal and elitist – it excludes women and representatives of lower social groups in the social hierarchy. It contains relics of feudal epoch (the pictures of preparations for the hunts and the hunts themselves) as well as many elements strongly connected with military rituals (the canon of hunters’ activities, the hunting language which is a hybrid of military jargon and a code understandable only to insiders). The participants of the hunts create two groups with a strong sociological and cultural demarcation: people from lower class are trackers, beaters and porters, whereas people from upper class have a privileged position as those who stand face to face with an enemy and fight with it to the death.The second part discusses the hunt in the borderland of weather conditions and in the borderland of countries and regions. The hunter in the borderland is a stranger from the outside who clings on to the representatives of the indigenous inhabitants, who live in the place for generations, for support and help. The local culture serves as a metaphor for home, mother and wife, that is for remaining in one place. The hunter in the borderland is a nomad and a traveller, who yields to the attractiveness of the local culture which becomes for him a place of final destination – home.
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