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Amnesties: conditio sine qua non for a Lasting Peace Solution or Ticking Time Bomb for Peacebuilding?

100%
Szpak A.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2018
|
vol. 3 (47)
537-552
EN
The author attempts to define amnesty and describe conditions that must be met for amnesties to be in accordance with international law. This in turn involves an analysis of legality of amnesties. The paper also examines motivation for granting amnesty and desirability as well as the future of granting amnesties. In the end a nuanced approach is adopted highlighting the fact that amnesties are neither conditio sine qua non for a lasting peace solution nor ticking time-bombs for peacebuilding. This reflects the idea of this paper that justice is not an absolute and sometimes it might be necessary to let go and combine judicial and non-judicial mechanisms (including the disclosure of truth and reparations for the victims) in order to achieve sustainable peace.
2
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AYOTZINAPA, GUERRERO: IMAGE OF THE CORRUPTION AND IMPUNITY IN MEXICO

86%
Shubich Green Y., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
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2015
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issue 1 (7)
PL
Following the case of the disappearance of the 43 Ayotzinapa students, the Pandora’s Box was opened: pits filled with bodies, corruption, impunity and institutional weakness of a state where politicians, police and authorities at all three government levels have been infiltrated by the organized crime. In Mexico, corruption and drug trafficking are common and the economic reforms are not enough if they do not go together with an effective program of combating corruption and the society is not the main beneficiary of the reforms.This article will explain the background of the Ayotzinapa case, the characteristics of the Mexican political system that allow cases like Ayotzinapa, the consequences of the fight against organized crime launched by ex-President Felipe Calderon, the behavior of a sleeping civil society tired of the reduced economic results and where the state does not have the monopoly of the authority and does not guarantee security.
3
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Underprivileged children in the social space of impunity: The example of the children’s residential care system in the Polish People’s Republic

86%
Golczyńska-Grondas A.
Przegląd Socjologiczny
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2015
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vol. LXIV (64)
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issue 1
103-120
EN
This paper treats the social conditionings of institutional violence. First the very notion of the impunity, which creates the theoretical foundation of the consideration, is briefly discussed, followed by treatment of the scheme of the institutional(-ised) space of impunity with its constituent elements: common beliefs regarding the “nature” of the marginalised collectivity, the low social value ascribed to the collectivity, an ideological embargo on scientificallybased knowledge, and the expulsion of the marginalised from normals’ field of vision. In the main part of the article the author presents a historic example of a social space of impunity: the children’s residential care system in the Polish People’s Republic (PPR). Examples of institutional and private violence in this space of impunity are depicted in the final part of the text. The narrative and biographical interviews with institutional care-givers, narrators’ files analysis and FGIs constitute the empirical basis of the article.
PL
Artykuł traktuje o społecznych uwarunkowaniach zinstytucjonalizowanej przemocy. W pierwszej części tekstu skrótowo scharakteryzowano pojęcie bezkarności stanowiące podstawę teoretyczną rozważań, następnie omówiono schemat (zinstytucjonalizowanej) przestrzeni bezkarności wraz z jej konstytutywnymi elementami: potocznymi przekonaniami dotyczącymi “natury” (z)marginalizowanej zbiorowości, niską społeczną wartością przypisywaną jednostkom i grupom, ideologicznym embargiem dotyczącym naukowo ugruntowanej wiedzy, usunięciem wykluczonych jednostek i grup z pola widzenia zwykłych uczestników życia społecznego. W głównej części artykułu autorka opisuje przestrzeń bezkarności funkcjonującą w tzw. systemie opieki całkowitej dla dzieci i młodzieży w okresie PRL . Ostatnie fragmenty tekstu zawierają zestawienie przykładów instytucjonalnej i prywatnej przemocy wobec wychowanków placówek opiekuńczo-wychowawczych realizowanej w przestrzeni bezkarności. Empiryczną podstawę tekstu stanowią wywiady narracyjne i biograficzne przeprowadzone w latach 2011–2013 z dorosłymi „absolwentami” PRL -owskich domów dziecka oraz wywiady grupowe z pracownikami systemu edukacji i sądownictwa aktywnymi zawodowo w okresie instytucjonalizacji narratorów.
4
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Estrategia Nacional de Seguridad

72%
Guzmán G. R., García C. M., Victoria P. H.
Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales
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2015
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vol. 2
EN
According to the former president Felipe Calderon, the National Security Strategy designed to overcome the danger posed by the organized crime was able to curb the tendency of violence by the end of his Administration. This article intends to evaluate such statement using data published by INEGI and the Finance Ministry. We correlate the amounts of public money spent in security tasks with the number of homicides per year to estimate the level of efficiency; we also focus on those federal entities, which received more support by the National Security Strategy and analyze them in terms of homicides in three different periods. At the end, other variables like kidnappings, extortion and unemployment are included in the analysis to see to what extent they could probably have been part of the violence during 2006–2012.
ES
que la Estrategia Nacional de Seguridad puesta en marcha por su gobierno para combatir la inseguridad logró revertir los niveles de violencia al concluir su gobierno El presente artículo se propone contrastar tal afirmación con las bases de datos publicadas por el INEGI y la SHCP en materia de homicidios y recursos públicos destinados a los rubros de seguridad. De esta manera, se correlacionan los fondos públicos asignados a los rubros de seguridad con el número de homicidios; se evalúa la tendencia de homicidios en las entidades más favorecidas por la Estrategia Nacional de Seguridad comparándola con la década de los 90 y el periodo del expresidente Vicente Fox y, por último, se analiza el papel que pudieron jugar el secuestro, la extorsión y el desempleo en los altos niveles de violencia registrados durante 2006–2012.
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