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Niemiecka zagraniczna polityka kulturalna po zjednoczeniu: bezpieczeństwo, dialog, promocja

100%
Ociepka B.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2020
|
issue 2 (375)
45-63
EN
The German foreign cultural policy has been attracting more and more attention of the academia. The aim of the article entitled “German foreign cultural policy after the reunification – security, dialogue, promotion” is to discuss its development and stress its specifics after the reunification of Germany in 1990. The analysis of the German foreign cultural policy poses a relevant research problem as it exceeds the traditional approaches rooted in similar cases in the studies on public diplomacy or nation branding. The author verifies the hypothesis that German foreign cultural policy contributes not only to the development of the international cultural cooperation and country promotion but also to wider purposes as security and international dialogue. Consequently, foreign policy analysis is the research method in the current study. The author indicates the historical and internal context for the structures, aims and strategies of German foreign cultural policy, as displayed in documents, reports and public debate. The German model is verified on two cases of foreign cultural policy (case studies): German Year in Russia 2012-2013 and the Year of German Language and Literature in Russia 2014-2015, realized by Germany directly before and during the Ukrainian crisis. The cases studied allowed to check, how the structures and strategies of German foreign cultural policy worked at the time of war in the eastern Ukraine as and international conflict. Their goals, programs and effects serve as proofs for the persisting relevance of dialogue in the German approach to international conflicts and for the growing politicization of German foreign cultural policy.
2
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Classification of the Conflict between Ukraine and Russia in International Law (Ius ad Bellum and Ius in Bello)

86%
Grzebyk P.
Polish Yearbook of International Law
|
2014
|
vol. 34
39-60
EN
The aim of this article is to classify the armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia in light of international law. Firstly, the Russian armed activities are qualified through the lens of use of force and it is shown that Russia committed an aggression. Secondly, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is qualified according to the law of armed conflict, not only identifying the applicable norms of law of armed conflict but examining whether atrocities have been committed and whether they are war crimes or mere crimes or acts of terror. The article posits that there is an international armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine and in addition a non-international one between Ukrainian insurgents and governmental forces. The methodology used in the article is legal analysis of documents and international law doctrine.
3
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Hybrid war as a form of modern international conflicts and its influence on accounting development

86%
Zhyhlei I., Legenchyk S., Syvak O.
Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski
|
2020
|
vol. 1
191-205
EN
The article is devoted to the study of hybrid warfare, as well as its influence on the reflection of business transactions in the accounting system. The study was conducted using the following research methods: analysis; synthesis; logical method; systematization, comparison, generalization, historical method. As a result, the features inherent in modern hybrid wars, including Ukrainian-Russian, as well as the specifics of accounting that arise during hostilities with emphasis on accounting features in enterprises whose assets were under the direct influence of hostilities, in particular, in the uncontrolled territories of Luhansk and Donetsk regions of Ukraine.
4
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Znaczenie irańskiej opozycji antyreżimowej dla polityki zagranicznej Baracka Obamy

72%
Milczanowski M.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
|
2016
|
vol. 50
149-157
EN
Since 1979, the Iranian regime is in a fundamental conflict with the Western world, especially the US, Britain, and Israel. In such a long period, there have to be periodic changes which the US administration had some high hopes for. However, despite temporary periods of apparent thaw in bilateral relations, each time it is followed by a return to the traditional hostility between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States. At the same time, Iranian society is exposed to constant repression from the authorities. There is, therefore, a fundamental question, how, or even if, the West, and primarily the US as a global power, with the biggest military and operational potential, allowing for interaction in every region of the world, should react to the situation and developments in Iran. The aim of the article is to review the nature and methods of operation of main Iranian opposition groups as well as their significance for the political program contained in the so-called Obama’s doctrine (2009). Analysis of major opposition groups will determine the degree of their possible cooperation with the US and their capacity to exercise power in Iran in the most democratic way.
PL
Od 1979 roku reżim irański jest w zasadniczym konfl ikcie ze światem Zachodu, a szczególnie z USA i Wielką Brytanią oraz Izraelem. W tak długim okresie dochodziło do okresowych zmian, z którymi administracja USA wiązała pewne nadzieje. Niemniej jednak, mimo chwilowych okresów pozornej odwilży w stosunkach dwustronnych, za każdym razem następował powrót do tradycyjnej wrogości między Islamską Republiką Iranu a USA. Jednocześnie społeczeństwo irańskie jest narażone na nieustanne represje ze strony władz. Zachodzi więc zasadnicze pytanie, w jaki sposób i czy w ogóle Zachód, a przede wszystkim USA jako mocarstwo globalne, o największym potencjale militarno-operacyjnym pozwalającym na oddziaływanie w każdym rejonie świata, powinny reagować na sytuację i wydarzenia w Iranie. Celem artykułu jest poddanie analizie charakteru oraz sposobów działania najważniejszych irańskich grup opozycyjnych, a także ich znaczenia dla programu politycznego USA zawartego w tzw. doktrynie Obamy (2009). Analiza najważniejszych grup opozycyjnych pozwoli na określenie stopnia możliwej ich współpracy z USA, jak i ich potencjału do sprawowania władzy w Iranie w sposób jak najbardziej demokratyczny.
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