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EN
The article deals with the phenomenon of separatism, its common understanding and main features. It discusses the most important separatist tendencies and the threat of separatism in the EU, including the typology and the centres of separatism in Europe. The principal reasons for separatist movements in the EU are described. Considering the complex origin of separatism, the homogeneity of its foundation in Europe is proved and the threat of separatism in Ukraine is analysed. Manifestations of separatism in Ukraine and the EU are compared, the influence of globalisation and regionalisation on the ethnopolitical process in the EU and Ukraine is justified, and the dual influence of regionalisation on separatism is revealed.
EN
This article is devoted to separatism as a global phenomenon of modern times. Separatism is considered a large-scale phenomenon of the present, which can cause irreparable consequences for state independence. The concept of separatism is analysed in accordance with different dictionaries that interpret this phenomenon. The concept of separatism is analysed using the comparative method, namely, separatism is compared with the solar system. The main types of separatism are analysed, depending of the region, country and the sphere of its expression. Examples of each of them are given in the article. If we consider separatism as a movement or a process that wants to separate from the state, then, depending on the purpose, the following forms of separatism are distinguished: secession, irredentism, and devolution. The positions of the representatives of the scientific world community about secession are highlighted, its main advantages and disadvantages are revealed. The article highlights the interesting positions of scientists who consider separatism as a positive phenomenon in the process of nation-building. As an example of irredentism, the situation with the Crimea is described. Crimea was an autonomous region within the nation of Ukraine until March 2014 after a shady referendum it was taken over by the Russian police.
EN
The following conribution describes the key year defined the proclamation of the independent Czechoslovak state on 28 October 1918 and March 1919. On this latter date a wave of strikes and demonstrations took place in the border regions. This date, forgotten in Czech history, is a lieu de mémoire (site of memory) the Sudeten-German collective identity, still commemorated, in a lesser form, even today. The paper aims to look only those phenomena; that directly or indirectly led to the violent outcome which occurred between the population of the German border region and the Czechoslovak armed forces. It should be perceived as an essay focused on the opportunities and attitudes of its main figures, perhabs as an introduction in the problem, rather than as an exhaustive description of the economic, political, social and other processes of the described period.
EN
This study deals with the topic of anti-Czechoslovak activities in Bavaria in the 1920s, and looks at the activities of pan-German organisations and their crossborder activities focused on Czechoslovakia. It places the development of Bavaria’s irredentist activities in the context of the situation in Bavaria at the time, and also describes the impact of irredentist activities on Czechoslovak-German relations in the 1920s. In this regard, it manages to ascertain that the consequences of the above mentioned factors had an immediate impact on the cross-border activities of Pan-German organizations. In addition, individual activities are outlined and organizations involved in anti-Czechoslovak activities in Bavaria at the time are mapped. As such, the importance of this study is in its revealing of irredentism, previously little discussed, as one of the factors having a negative impact on Czechoslovak-German relations in the interwar period.
EN
The issue of the Italian eastern border after World War I has interested many Italian, Slovenian and Croatian scholars in the field of politics and diplomatic relations. It is known that Italy's diplomatic failure at Versailles in 1919 led to the rise of D'Annunzio's nationalism, which was entirely adopted by Fascism. The question of the Italian eastern border was provisionally resolved in 1920 but its final conclusion came with the Treaty of Rome signed in 1924 concerning the partition of the Free State of Fiume. During this period several Italian intellectuals contributed to the political debate on borders. Before, during and after the war, the city of Padua was one of the main centres of Italian democratic irredentism. Within its university, some professors influenced students through their lectures and historical‑geographical teaching and set a basis for a new kind of knowledge, in between populism and scientific instances. With this contribution, the author considers some particular cases that during the First World War and immediately afterwards exposed their positions through their academic teaching. Among these, the liberal‑patriotic Friulian geographers Arrigo Lorenzi and Francesco Musoni, both professors in Padua, affirming that Italy should reach its natural borders along the Alpine ridge as far as the Istrian and, for Musoni, Dalmatian mountains. Noteworthy at a time, when nationalism pitted peoples against each other, they considered Slavic culture as a natural and historical characteristic of north‑eastern Italy: even if they affirmed it had been used by the Germans to annihilate Italian culture, it should not be eliminated but integrated jointly with the creation of friendly relations with the Kingdom of SCS. Despite their ideas, history would turn out differently. Their example, however, bears witness to the fact that in intellectual circles and in higher education in Italy after the Great War, in particular among geographers, there was a minority aiming at a peace that went beyond nationalism and was based on study and knowledge regarding neighbouring countries.
RU
В то время, как очередные повстанческие попытки были безуспешными, а страны-завоеватели – сильными, Эдвард Абрамовский выступил с новаторской идеей вернуть независимость польского общества. Он посчитал, что народное освобождение необходимо соединить с освобождением общественным и экономическим. Он был убежден, что это было возможным благодаря социалистическим идеям и идее кооперативизма. Польское общество, особенно т.н. отстающие слои, организованное в кооперативы должно было превратиться в экономическую и одновременно организационную сеть над структурой стран-завоевателей. Цель кооперативов состояла в культурно-образовательной деятельности, в том числе они должны были отвечать за формирование политической культуры. Эта деятельность должна была приготовить польское общество к обретению политической свободы.
EN
In the situation of failures of consecutive uprisings and the power of the occupying countries, Edward Abramowski proposed an innovative idea of independence by Polish society. He considered that national liberation should be connected with the social and economic liberation. In his belief it was possible by reference to socialist ideas and idea of cooperatism. Polish society, especially the so-called impaired classes, organized in cooperatives, would create a economic and also the organizational network over the partitioners structure. Cooperatives would also have a goal to cultural and educational activities and also should allow for the formation of political culture. These actions were to prepare the Polish nation to regain a political freedom.
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