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1
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Holger Gzella, A Cultural History of Aramaic: From the Beginnings to the Advent of Islam (Handbook of Oriental Studies / Handbuch der Orientalistik. Section 1. The Near and Middle East 111; Leiden-Boston: Brill 2015)

100%
Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
|
2016
|
vol. 6
|
issue 2
289-295
EN
Book Review: Holger Gzella, A Cultural History of Aramaic: From the Beginnings to the Advent of Islam (Handbook of Oriental Studies / Handbuch der Orientalistik. Section 1. The Near and Middle East 111; Leiden - Boston: Brill 2015). Pp. XIV + 451. €162,00. ISBN 978-90-04-28509-5, ISSN 0169-9423.
2
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Bogdan Wiktor Matysiak, Słownik statystyczny języka hebrajskiego i aramejskiego Starego Testamentu, Wydział Teologii UWM Olsztyn 2017, ss. 256

61%
Karczewski M.
Studia Elbląskie
|
2017
|
vol. 18
581-582
3
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„Eli, Eli, lema sabachthani” (Mt 27,46). Aramejskie wyrażenia w greckim tekście Nowego Testamentu

61%
Ostański P.
Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne
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2016
|
issue 30
215-225
EN
There is no doubt that in Jesus’ times the three ancient languages, Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek were commonly spoken in Roman Palestine. It is also beyond discussion that Jesus’ mother tongue was Aramaic. There are many Aramaic wordings in the Greek New Testament that are hinting at the original language of Jesus’ sermons. The aim of this paper is to investigate three Aramaic phrases in the Greek Gospels: Jesus’ cry from the cross (Eli, Eli, lema sabachthani?; Mt 27:46; Mk 15:34), his command to the daughter of Jairus (Talitha koum; Mk 5:41) and his allusion to Aramaic characters (iōta – keraia; Mt 5:18). Furthermore, there are also many Aramaic common words and proper names (personal and place names) in the Greek New Testament. They will require an extra future research.
4
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„Maria Magdalena powiedziała do niego po hebrajsku: «rabbuni»” (J 20,16). „Rabbuni” i inne aramejskie określenia odnoszące się do Boga/Chrystusa w greckim tekście Nowego Testamentu

41%
Ostański P.
Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne
|
2018
|
issue 32
63-75
EN
Everyone who studies the New Testament Bible must take into account its Aramaic backgro- und that results from several factors: – the Aramaic language was very popular in Roman Palestine during the rst century A.D.; – the Aramaic was Jesus’ mother tongue;– Jesus’ teaching was being recorded in Aramaic and then it circulated among the people; – the oldest Church consisted of Aramaic speaking communities. It is worth remembering that the New Testament authors, when working on the Greek Gospels, they were following their Aramaic language habits. The e ects of them were aramaisms in the Greek texts, Aramaic sentence constructions and even Aramaic words rendered by Greek letters. The aim of this paper was to investigate the Aramaic words referring to the God/Christ in the Greek text of the New Testament. Three Aramaic words were analysed: – Messias (John 1:41; 4:25); Greek equivalent is Christos;– Rabbouni (John 20:16; Mk 10:51); Greek equivalent is Didaskale;– Abba (Mk 14:36; Rom 8:15; Gl 4:6); Greek equivalent is ho patēr.The last term is semantically di erent from its Greek equivalent. Being derived from everyday language, it reveals the truth about God in a surprising way.
PL
Everyone who studies the New Testament Bible must take into account its Aramaic backgro- und that results from several factors: – the Aramaic language was very popular in Roman Palestine during the rst century A.D.; – the Aramaic was Jesus’ mother tongue;– Jesus’ teaching was being recorded in Aramaic and then it circulated among the people; – the oldest Church consisted of Aramaic speaking communities. It is worth remembering that the New Testament authors, when working on the Greek Gospels, they were following their Aramaic language habits. The e ects of them were aramaisms in the Greek texts, Aramaic sentence constructions and even Aramaic words rendered by Greek letters. The aim of this paper was to investigate the Aramaic words referring to the God/Christ in the Greek text of the New Testament. Three Aramaic words were analysed: – Messias (John 1:41; 4:25); Greek equivalent is Christos;– Rabbouni (John 20:16; Mk 10:51); Greek equivalent is Didaskale;– Abba (Mk 14:36; Rom 8:15; Gl 4:6); Greek equivalent is ho patēr.The last term is semantically di erent from its Greek equivalent. Being derived from everyday language, it reveals the truth about God in a surprising way.
5
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Aramejskie rękopisy Księgi Tobiasza z Qumran (4Q196-200) – historia i egzegeza

36%
Kowalski K. J.
The Biblical Annals
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2017
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vol. 7
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issue 3
323-345
EN
The year 1995 was pivotal for research on the Book of Tobit, when the Aramaic  and Hebrew manuscripts of this work found at Qumran were first published. The present article unfolds the history of the manuscripts’ discovery in 1952 in Qumran Cave 4,  then the long process of publishing the recovered texts, and that publication’s effect  on the renewal of scholarly interest in the Book of Tobit. The first part describes the  Qumran texts’ first publication as well as the significant later works which included the  manuscript texts along with their translations. In the next section the author describes  the actual condition and contents of the discovered manuscripts. Next he explores the  subject of the intertextuality of the book, focusing on Greek and Latin references known  before 1952. The fourth section of the article is the presentation of status quaestionis – selected issues regarding the Book of Tobit and how they have been impacted by the  discovered texts, 4Q196-200. In particular, it reconsiders the language in which the  book was originally written, the compositional integrity of the text, and the matter of  origins and the influence of ancient Near Eastern culture (especially of Words of Ahikar) upon the structure and contents of the biblical text. The last part of the article compares  the Aramaic fragments with the two known Greek versions of Tobit (both the longer  and shorter) and presents the results of this analysis. The purpose of this article is to  show the great importance of the finding and publication of the 4Q196-200 manuscripts  for advancing research on the biblical book, and to retrace the course of such research  on the Book of Tobit, beginning in 1952 until now
PL
The year 1995 was pivotal for research on the Book of Tobit, when the Aramaic and Hebrew manuscripts of this work found at Qumran were first published. The present article unfolds the history of the manuscripts' discovery in 1952 in Qumran Cave 4, then the long process of publishing the recovered texts, and that publication's effect on the renewal of scholarly interest in the Book of Tobit. The first part describes the Qumran texts' first publication as well as the significant later works which included the manuscript texts along with their translations. In the next section the author describes the actual condition and contents of the discovered manuscripts. Next he explores the subject of the intertextuality of the book, focusing on Greek and Latin references known before 1952. The fourth section of the article is the presentation of status quaestionis – selected issues regarding the Book of Tobit and how they have been impacted by the discovered texts, 4Q196-200. In particular, it reconsiders the language in which the book was originally written, the compositional integrity of the text, and the matter of origins and the influence of ancient Near Eastern culture (especially of  Words of Ahikar) upon the structure and contents of the biblical text. The last part of the article compares the Aramaic fragments with the two known Greek versions of Tobit (both the longer and shorter) and presents the results of this analysis. The purpose of this article is to show the great importance of the finding and publication of the 4Q196-200 manuscripts for advancing research on the biblical book, and to retrace the course of such research on the Book of Tobit, beginning in 1952 until now.
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