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EN
The present article was meant to be a contribution to the ongoing discussion on the so-called Warsaw School of the History of Ideas which was prominent in the Polish intellectual life in the 1960s. The author was one of the founding members of this school, but his position in it was in many respects peculiar and untypical. It has been noticed that one of the specific features of his research was a systematic study of the interconnection between ilosophical/religious ideas and the ideologies of the economic growth. The author confirms the validity of this observation and shows that this peculiarity of his contribution stemmed mostly from the fact that the main subject-matter of his research has been the intellectual history of a single “developing country” – namely Russia, from the Enlightenment to the revolutions of 1917. It was a period when the Russian intellectuals eagerly sought to discover the “meaning” of their history, trying to show that Russian backwardness and peripheral status was a potential privilege, enabling a free, conscious choice of historical future. The problem of this peculiar “privilege of backwardness” (to use Alexander Gerschenkron’s expression) provided a direct link between the historiosophical (secular and religious) ideas and economic problems of the Russian intellectual life. Because of this, economic problems became a part and parcel of the Russian intellectual history. In the last quarter of the 19th century economic discussion between the Russian Populists and the Russian Marxists dominated the entire intellectual scene, providing the central framework for nearly all fields of intellectual activity. The article shows how these problems were dealt with in the author’s various books: from The Slavophile Controversy (1964), through The Controversy over Capitalism (1969) and A History of Russian Thought (Polish edition 1974; English edition 1979), to Marxism and the Leap to the Kingdom of Freedom (1995). The first of these books dealt with the problems of intellectual and social modernization, as reflected in the classical dispute between Russian Slavophiles and Westernizes. The second one (The Controversy over Capitalism, translated into several languages and particularly influential in Japan) was devoted to the debate between the Russian Populists and the Marxists, concerning the possibility of Russia’s “non-capitalist development” – a possibility advocated by the Populists and rejected by the Marxists (despite the fact that Marx himself took the side of the Populists, backing it by a coherent theory of non-capitalist modernization). The last book discussed the problem of Soviet economic planning, showing that it became an instrument of speeding up the economic growth only under Stalin. Earlier it was seen only as a means of establishing communism through the removal of the “anarchy of the market” and replacing it by rational control over economic forces by the conscious will of the collective. Certainly, in all stages of this development economic choices were bound up with ideological ones, which shows that economic ideas were an integral part of the country’s intellectual life as a whole.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
|
2016
|
vol. 20
|
issue 2
143-180
EN
The article is devoted to the concept of the communist man that emerges from the writings of Vladimir Lenin. The author emphasizes that it is an incomplete concept, and therefore ambiguous - provoking us to fill its “gaps” with material that does not refer directly to the issue of a communist society. The reconstruction in this article follows two concepts: self-discipline and versatility. However, the proposed distinction between positive and negative self-discipline is here of a great importance. Through positive general self-discipline the author understands self-discipline as work for the greater good of society, with the key area of this kind self-discipline being the realm of work. It is therefore mainly a self-disciplined work - necessary due to the absence of mechanisms of economic coercion under communism (embodying the principle of the distribution according to ones needs, rather than ones labor input). By negative self-discipline the author understands refraining from acts that are harmful to society, that is, so-called “excesses” – a necessary element due to the stateless nature of a communist society. Self-discipline (positive and negative) is correlative to communist negative freedom, which consists (in Lenin’s terms) of the absence of any external mechanisms of discipline and thus any “management” of people (even if ultrademocratic in character). In turn, characterizing the Leninist understanding of the postulate of versatility, the author cites, among others, the concept of polytechnic education (put forward by Marx and developed by Nadezhda Krupskaya), the problem of “intelligentsialization” of the proletariat, and therefore the postulate of the assimilation by the proletariat of the positive qualities of the intelligentsia (the extent of its horizons, the capacity for the independent and critical “survival” of humanity‟s cultural heritage), however separated from its negative traits (lack of teamwork skills).
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest koncepcji człowieka komunistycznego, jaka wyłania się z pism Włodzimierza Lenina. Autor podkreśla, iż jest ona niekompletna, a w związku z tym niejednoznaczna – prowokująca do zapełniania jej „luk” materiałem nie odnoszącym się bezpośrednio do problematyki społeczeństwa komunistycznego. Rekonstrukcja podąża tropem dwóch pojęć: samodyscypliny i wszechstronności, przy czym duże znaczenie ma proponowane w artykule rozróżnienie na samodyscyplinę pozytywną i negatywną. Przez samodyscyplinę pozytywną rozumie się ogólnie samodyscyplinowanie się do działań na rzecz społeczeństwa, przy czym za zasadniczy obszar tego rodzaju samodsycypliny uznaje się sferę pracy. Chodzi więc głównie o samodyscyplinowanie się do pracy – konieczne z uwagi na brak mechanizmów przymusu ekonomicznego w komunizmie (urzeczywistniającym zasadę podziału wedle potrzeb, a nie wkładu pracy). Przez samodyscyplinę negatywną rozumie się z kolei powstrzymywanie się od działań szkodliwych społecznie, czyli od tzw. ekscesów – konieczne z uwagi na bezpaństwowy charakter społeczeństwa komunistycznego. Samodyscyplina (pozytywna i negatywna) stanowi korelat komunistycznej wolności negatywnej, polegającej (w ujęciu Lenina) na braku jakichkolwiek mechanizmów dyscypliny zewnętrznej, a więc jakiegokolwiek „zarządzania” ludźmi (choćby ultrademokratycznego). Charakteryzując z kolei Leninowskie rozumienie postulatu wszechstronności, autor przywołuje m.in. koncepcję kształcenia politechnicznego (wysuniętą przez Marksa, a rozwijaną przez życiową partnerkę Lenina, Nadieżdę Krupską), odnosząc się także do problemu „inteligentyzacji” proletariatu, a więc postulatu przyswojenia przez proletariat pozytywnych cech inteligencji (rozległość horyzontów, zdolność do samodzielnego, krytycznego „przetwarzania” dorobku kultury ogólnoludzkiej), oddzielonych od jej cech negatywnych (brak umiejętności pracy zespołowej).
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