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Progresivní formy lidových tradic jako součást socialistického způsobu života: jazyk a československá etnografie v období tzv. normalizace

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Polouček O.
Národopisný věstník
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2021
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vol. 38_(80)
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issue 1
54-72
EN
Late Socialism is usually associated with the alienation of society, and even ruling elites, from ideology. For this reason, the separation of official language from the real world led to the system which, to a certain extent, made it possible to give the ideological cliché a new content with the purpose to create a limited space for the implementation of own interests. However, the use of the ideological language must be reflected critically in the context of the environment that is researched. The study will focus on the Czechoslovak ethnography and the legitimization of ethnographic research – e.g. research into traditions. The author will use examples from the environment with the strictest ideological supervision – the (Czecho)Slovak Academy of Sciences and its leading representatives Antonín Robek and Božena Filová, whereby the possible influence of the used ideological language on the current image of these persons will be thought over.
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Czechoslovak Pop Music in Young People’s Lifestyle Magazines in the “Anti-Decade”, 1985–1995

100%
Kavka T.
Prague Papers on the History of International Relations
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2020
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issue 1
29-43
EN
This article analyses the coverage of pop music in two magazines for older children and young adults during the transition from late socialism to post-socialism in Czechoslovakia or what has been called the “anti-decade” of 1985–1995. By revisiting Pionýr, a magazine for adolescents aged 12 to 15 and Mladý svět, a magazine for young adults aged 15 to 30, I uncover the gradual transformation of Czechoslovak pop music from a genre for Mladý svět’s broad young audience to one aimed specifically at teenagers after 1989. These teens were the target readers of Pionýr and its post-socialist successors, Filip and Filip pro-náctileté (Filip for Teenagers). Pop music was connected with social capital and incorporated into the lifestyles of Mladý svět’s readers. However, it gradually disappeared from the pages of the magazine and became increasingly visible in Pionýr and its post-socialist counterparts. This study argues that this connection of pop music with teen lifestyles and values had profound social impacts between the mid-1980s and the early 1990s.
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Getting away? How state-run media in late-socialist Czechoslovakia helped to subtly control potentially dangerous everyday practices among cottage owners

100%
Alda K.
Studia Ethnologica Pragensia
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2020
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vol. 1
21-36
EN
This paper explores the interweaving of socialist ideology and the everyday in late socialist Czechoslovakia by analyzing the content of a popular hobby magazine and of a television series between 1968 and 1989. The magazine and the series relate to the phenomenon of weekend cottage ownership, which became especially popular among Czechs and Slovaks from the late 1960s to 80s. While not overtly oppositional to the socialist state, cottage ownership was perceived as potentially dangerous by state authorities because the values it promoted — self-reliance, acquisition of personal property, recreation for private pleasure — ran counter to the state ideology. Based on the analysis of the magazine and the series, this article argues that the subtle use of language in state-controlled media helped to subsume the practice of cottage ownership and to create a distinct public that was incorporated into socialist discourse, stripping the practice of undesirable connotations such as materialism and individualism.
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Socialism as ideology, socialism as legacy: attitudes of the (Socialist) Republic of Slovenia towards its socialist past (1980-2004)

59%
Konovšek T.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2022
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vol. 29
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issue 3
852-873
EN
Focusing on key political actors and state institutions, this article aims to map the changing and often ambivalent political attitudes of the Socialist Republic of Slovenia (Socialistična republika Slovenija) within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the later the Republic of Slovenia (Republika Slovenija) towards its socialist legacy. By institutionalizing remembrance and promoting specific historical narratives, the state not only articulated its views on the past, but also expressed its understanding of the present moment and its hopes for the future. The main channels of communication between the state and the public, which are investigated in this contribution, are state holidays and state celebrations. Here, the highest state institutions appeared as main organizers and scriptwriters. Through these events, leading politicians valued, assessed, and (re)interpreted significant historical events in the name of the state. The temporal framework of the article covers two crucial periods. First, the late socialist period between 1980 (the death of Josip Broz Tito) and 1989 (the beginning of the end of Yugoslavia). Second, the period of Slovene transition between 1989 and early 2008, when the Study Centre for National Reconciliation (Študijski center za narodno spravo) began its operation and Slovenia joined the institutional international trend of anticommunism. During late socialism, constant economic, political, and social crises forced the state to re-evaluate and reconsider its socialist legacy and its form. After the end of state socialism between 1989 and 1991 in Slovenia, (anti-)socialist attitudes became one of the most important political markers by which the new state defined itself. For both periods, socialism was thus one of the central themes of memory politics, albeit in different ways.
CS
Článek se zaměřuje na klíčové politické aktéry a státní instituce Socialistické republiky Slovinsko (Socialistična republika Slovenija) v rámci federativní Jugoslávie a pozdější Republiky Slovinsko (Republika Slovenija) a na jejich měnící se a často ambivalentní postoje ve vztahu k vlastnímu socialistickému dědictví. Institucionalizací paměti a podporou specifických historických narativů slovinské politické vedení artikulovalo nejen své hodnocení minulosti, ale také chápání přítomnosti a utváření nadějí do budoucna. Autorka v článku zkoumá státní svátky a státní oslavy jako hlavní komunikační kanály mezi státem a veřejností. Nejvyšší státní instituce vystupovaly jako jejich hlavní scenáristé a organizátoři, čelní slovinští politici prostřednictvím těchto akcí (a ve jménu státu) oceňovali, hodnotili a (re)interpretovali významné historické události. Časový rámec článku zahrnuje dvě období: pozdní socialistickou éru mezi lety 1980 a 1989 (od Titovy smrti do počátku rozpadu Jugoslávie) a etapu slovinské transformace v letech 1989 až 2008, během níž začalo fungovat Studijní centrum pro národní usmíření (Študijski center za narodno spravo) a slovinská politika se ve vztahu k minulosti připojila k širšímu mezinárodnímu trendu institucionalizovaného antikomunismu. Autorka dochází k závěru, že neustálé ekonomické, politické a sociální krize pozdního socialismu nutily politické vedení slovinské svazové republiky opakovaně přehodnocovat a reinterpretovat socialistické dědictví a že po převratných změnách v letech 1989 až 1991 se antisocialistické postoje ve Slovinsku staly jedním z nejdůležitějších politických znaků, jimiž se nový stát vymezoval. V obou obdobích tak byl socialismus klíčovým tématem politiky paměti, i když pokaždé jinak.
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Nacionalismus jako most do budoucnosti: ideologie slovinských komunistů v Jugoslávii po Titovi (1980-1986)

59%
Janíčko M.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2023
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vol. 30
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issue 1
99-136
EN
The study analyses the ideological orientations of the Slovenian communist establishment in the 1980s, their mutual intersections and their significance in political practice. The author identifies five simultaneously present orientations: Sloveneism (Slovenian nationalism); Yugoslavism (Yugoslav federalism); self-managed socialism as a specifically Yugoslav variant of Marxism-Leninism; political liberalization; and later affinity to the market economy. Slovenian nationalism had the strongest position in the actions of the communist elite (League of Communists of Slovenia, Zveza komunistov Slovenije - ZKS). It was particularly concerned with maintaining Slovenia's political autonomy according to the 1974 constitution but steadily gained strength, especially under the influence of public opinion. At the same time, the Slovenian communist leaders wanted to avoid a confrontation with the radicalized public and always ended up in harmony with it on a nationalist wave. In contrast to the "Sloveneists", the "Yugoslavists" did not rely on identification with a united political demos but saw the meaning of Slovenia's involvement in the common state mainly in the joint building of self-managed socialism and in the defence against external dangers. Although the appeal of self-managed socialism was weakened by the chronic economic crisis in Yugoslavia in the 1980s, leading Slovenian communists remained committed to its ideology. They also advocated supplementing self-management with market mechanisms and a limited liberalization of conditions, which, however, was not to imply the formation of other political parties. However, the communists in Ljubljana subordinated all their other ideological orientations to Slovenian nationalism in both rhetoric and practice. This was reflected in their smooth transition to the new political-economic system on the wave of national euphoria, which culminated in the declaration of Slovenian independence in the summer of 1991.
CS
Studie analyzuje ideologické orientace slovinského komunistického establishmentu v osmdesátých letech minulého století, jejich vzájemné souvislosti a význam v politické praxi. Autor identifikuje pětici současně přítomných orientací: slovinství (slovinský nacionalismus), jugoslávství (jugoslávský federalismus), samosprávný socialismus jako specificky jugoslávskou variantu marxismu-leninismu, politickou liberalizaci a sympatie pro tržní ekonomiku. Nejsilněji se v politice Svazu komunistů Slovinska (Zveza komunistov Slovenije – ZKS) uplatňoval slovinský nacionalismus, který dbal zejména na udržení politické autonomie Slovinska podle ústavy z roku 1974 a který, zejména pod vlivem veřejného mínění, ale setrvale narůstal. Slovinské komunistické špičky se přitom nechtěly konfrontovat s radikalizující se veřejností a na nacionální vlně s ní vždy nakonec souzněly. Jugoslávství slovinských komunistů se na rozdíl od slovinství neopíralo o identifikaci s jednotným jugoslávským politickým demosem a smysl zapojení Slovinska do společného státu spatřovalo zejména ve společném budování samosprávného socialismu a v obraně před vnějšími nebezpečími. Ačkoli přitažlivost samosprávného socialismu v osmdesátých letech oslabovala chronická hospodářská krize v Jugoslávii, přední slovinští komunisté zůstávali jeho ideologii věrni. Zasazovali se zároveň za doplnění samosprávy tržními mechanismy a za omezenou liberalizaci poměrů, která však neměla implikovat vznik jiných politických stran. Slovinskému nacionalismu však komunisté v Lublani všechny své ostatní ideové orientace podřizovali jak v rétorice, tak i v praxi. To se projevilo jejich hladkým přechodem do nového politicko-ekonomického systému na vlně národní euforie po roce 1990, která vyvrcholila vyhlášením nezávislosti Slovinska v létě 1991.
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