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1

LEGALIZM MONARCHICZNY JAKO ISTOTNY CZYNNIK STABILIZACJI POLITYCZNEJ W ŚWIECIE ARABSKIM

100%

Wróblewski B.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2016

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issue 2(14)

5-14 (10)

EN

The current international situation is characterised by increasing political unrests in the area of the Arab world. In many Middle-Eastern countries there occurred collapse of state structures and many-year civil wars broke out. Political chaos in the Arab world has been increasing for over a dozen years and it seems to be rather a result of structural flaws inherent in the political systems of countries in this region, rather than accidental events. These facts provoke to an attempt at deeper analysis of the circumstances and search for some general features. One of the immediately noticeable features of the situa-tion is that political anarchization concerns Arab republics, whereas monarchies are distinguished by significantly greater internal stability. The reasons for the downfall of republics are internal problems as well as conflicts with western powers. Also in this case one may notice political rowdiness of the republican leaders in Egypt, Iraq and Libya and compare it with more stable and responsible politics of monarchies. Generally pre-modern monarchial legalism in the Arab world turns out to be a more effective political idea than the rule of sovereignty of nations. This is a noteworthy fact, although it is contradictory to western political dogmas.

2

Samorząd terytorialny w stanie epidemii

100%

Naleziński B., Holocher J.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2020

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vol. 18

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issue 4

48-60

EN

One of the manifestations of the systemic crisis in Poland is progressive centralization in the management of local affairs. The causes of the phenomenon under analysis can be justifiably traced to three factors that are complementary to each other. First, in a constitutional model of the local government which assumes that the legislator has a decisive influence on the scope of tasks entrusted to local government units as well as on the degree of independence of their execution. A consequence of a crisis around the agencies of the third estate is also the weakening of the efficiency of judicial measures of protection of that independence. Secondly, a considerable influence upon the phenomenon under analysis is exerted by the strategy for fighting the pandemic adopted by the public authorities based upon the construction of a ‘hybrid’ state of emergency where the dominant role is played by the central public authorities. Thirdly, further politicization of the local government has become a particular feature of its operation in the times of the pandemic.

3

Clinical and Pastoral Implications of the Ministry of Martin Luther and the Protestant Reformation

86%

Judd D. K.

Open Theology

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2016

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vol. 2

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issue 1

EN

While acknowledging that many theological beliefs and religious practices facilitate mental health and emotional stability, the major purpose of this paper is to identify and demonstrate that some of these same beliefs and practices can also contribute to mental instability if understood incorrectly and practiced unwisely. The unique content of this paper is a pastoral, clinical, and historical narrative concerning the relationships of religious belief and practice with the mental health of 16th century priest, pastor, professor, and Protestant reformer Martin Luther. Specifically, this paper discusses Luther’s personal experiences with mental and emotional instability, including depression and scrupulosity, and explores ways that discovering and embracing the principle of grace assisted him in dealing with his own mental and emotional crises. This paper also treats ways that both psychological and theological understanding of the relationship between the doctrinal principles of grace and human volition can assist both health care professionals and clergy to provide effective care to those they serve.

4

Anchored to Human Rights: On the Normative Foundation of Habermas’s Public Sphere

86%

Hułas M.

Studia Gilsoniana

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2023

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vol. 12

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issue 1

133-168

EN

This paper explores a normative layer of Habermas’s public sphere in its relation to human rights. His public sphere came into being as a result of a spontaneous nonconformity manifested by the early bourgeoisie’s reaction to an absolutist regimen making inroads in the realm of basic human liberties; it managed to survive the changeable conditions of society and state thanks to its participants’ capability of cultivating collective self-determination, fed from the outset by the intellectual claims of modernity. Thereafter, the link between Habermas’s public sphere and human rights bifurcates, leading concurrently to liberal individual rights (Menschenrechte) and to the republican freedom of popular sovereignty (Volkssouveränität). Further revisions and corrections transpose that simple dualism from the clear-cut bourgeois world of universal morality into the realm of legalism and the protocols de rigueur in the world of systems. Habermas integrates individual human rights and popular sovereignty in the procedures of a democratic state, overcoming this ostensibly irreconcilable duality in his genuine claim about the co-originality of civil autonomy. this thesis institutionally unifies universal pre-constitutional morality, with legalism regulating the democratic world of legal subjects (citizens) and their constitutionally guaranteed entitlement.

5

Zasada legalności w kontekście normy ogólnej z kan. 1399 Kodeksu Prawa Kanonicznego z 1983 roku

72%

Saternus A.

Kościół i Prawo

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2014

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issue 3 (16) nr 1

179-189

EN

The principle of legality is one of the basic guarantees for the protection of human rights. The secular legislation is always put at absolutely. In canon law judge, in accordance with canon 1399, may punish by a just penalty the external violation of a divine or canonical law. Criminal sanction may be used only when the special gravity of the violation demands punishment and there is an urgent need to prevent or repair scandals. The principle of legality is difficult to justify only the natural law. The application of the general rule of canon 1399 bears the marks of discretion – whenever supervisor deems it appropriate. Supervisors, however, should not use it often. The principle of legality on the one hand can protect against abuses judge, on the other hand allows to punish crimes that remain unpunished. Superior has the ability to impose a just punishment, individualized in a particular case, adapted to the size of the crime and the offender guilty.

6

Institution and inclination in the post-socialist space: Genocide as “memory intervention”

72%

Dolghin D.

Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia

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2017

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vol. 6: TRAUMA KULTUROWA JAKO PALIMPSEST: (post)komunizm w kontekście porównawczym nowoczesności, totalitaryzmów i (post)kolonializmów

59-75

EN

This article investigates memory discourses around communism in Ukraine and Romania and the manner in which accountability for the past has been mobilized to shape authoritative trauma based memorializations, public appropriations, and increasingly standardized manners of indexing the past. In the last decade, both countries have gone through successive attempts — through memory legislation, historical commissions and historiography — to include these negative historical narratives into an ideational redress in the postsocialist period. Alongside national connotations, I argue that trauma based political projects around memory have become an important site where the narrative of a “European” state is produced. In both national contexts, representations have appropriated and benefitted from more liberal-center representations of memory, which now match the pan-European paradigm of “totalitarianism” introduced by the Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism passed by European Council. This article focuses however on one of the consequences of this transnational dynamics of for representing a renewed, European political space, namely the usage of and appeal to legal notions of memory, such as “genocide”, in both public discourse and historiography.

RU

В этой статье исследуются дискурсы памяти, сформированные вокруг коммунизма в Украине и Румынии и способы мобилизации ответственности за прошлое для формирования авторитетных мемориализаций на основе травм, государственных ассигнований и все более стандартизированных способов индексирования прошлого. В последнее десятилетие обе страны прошли через последовательные попытки (мемориальные законы, исторические комиссии и истори историографию) включить эти негативные исторические повествования в идейные преобразования в постсоциалистический период. Я утверждаю, что наряду с национальными коннотациями, именно основанные на травме и сформированные вокруг памяти политические проекты стали важным местом, где создается повествование о «европейском» государстве. В обоих национальных контекстах представления были усвоены и подданы влиянию более либеральных представлений о памяти, которые теперь соответствуют панъевропейской парадигме «тоталитаризма», введенной Пражской декларацией о европейской совести и коммунизме, принятой Европейским советом. В этой статье, тем не менее, основное внимание уделяется одному из последствий этой транснациональной динамики для формирования представления возобновленного европейского политического пространства, а именно: использование и обращение к правовым понятиям памяти, таким как «геноцид», как в публичном дискурсе, так и в историографии.

7

Polityczne przesłanki funkcjonowania służb wywiadowczych Władz Rzeczpospolitej na uchodźstwie po 1945 r.

72%

Zapart R.

Studia Polonijne

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2017

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vol. 38

61-73

PL

W artykule przedstawiono problematykę funkcjonowania służb wywiadowczych podległych Władzom RP na Uchodźstwie w okresie postępującej utraty przez nie prawno-międzynarodowej podmiotowości oraz kryzysu w relacjach Wschód–Zachód z przełomu lat czterdziestych i pięćdziesiątych. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na polityczne warunki prowadzenia działań niejawnych na terenie kraju, które były pokłosiem przyjętej przez elity polskiego Londynu interpretacji w zakresie kontynuowania przez nie misji przywódczej na emigracji. Ta stosunkowo krótka, bowiem około dziesięcioletnia, aktywność połączyła wszystkie środowiska wychodźcze, a uzyskiwane dzięki niej informacje stanowiły podstawę wielu interwencji na forum międzynarodowym z perspektywy działań na rzecz odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości.

EN

The article presents the problem of the operation of the intelligence service of the Polish Government-in-Exile in the period of the progressive loss of its legal personality on the international scene and the crisis in East-West relations at the turn of the 1940s and 1950s. Particular attention was given to the political conditions for conducting classified activities in the country, which were the result of the interpretation adopted by the Polish elite based in London concerning the continuation of their mission of leadership in exile. This relatively short activity, lasting about ten years, united all emigration environments and the information obtained owing to its operation was the basis for many interventions on the international forum as part of the efforts to regain Poland’s independence.

8

The concept of the State of Law

71%

Oniszczuk J.

Studia z Polityki Publicznej

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2015

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vol. 2

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issue 2(6)

57-77

PL

Współcześnie ustroje wielu państw są opisywane jako ustroje państw prawnych, praworządnych czy demokratycznych państw prawnych. Zwykle zauważa się, że cechą państwa prawnego, inaczej niż w wypadku państwa rządzonego przez ludzi (np. rozkaz jednostki), jest to, że władzę sprawuje system abstrakcyjnych reguł, które kierują postępowaniem wszystkich ludzi (generalna norma) na jednakowych zasadach. Takie państwo działa na podstawie i w granicach prawa. Powyższe stwierdzenie odpowiada w zasadzie pojmowaniu państwa praworządnego. Państwo praworządne formalnie cechuje bowiem działanie na podstawie i w granicach prawa, zaś jego wymiar materialny oznacza, że prawo jest jednakowe (równe) dla wszystkich. Opis ten nie wystarczy dla scharakteryzowania państwa prawnego. Jest więc też tylko fragmentem opisu jeszcze szerszej koncepcji, jaką jest demokratyczne państwo prawne.

EN

Political systems of various states are currently described as the rule of law states, lawabiding states, democratic states ruled by law, lawful states, or law-governed states? Mostly, it is noticed that the states ruled by law are characterized by the fact that the power is exercised by the set of abstract principles which govern the conduct of all people (a general norm) by equal rules, in opposition to the state governed by people (the order of an individual or group of individuals). Such a state acts on the basis of law and within its limits. The above statement corresponds with the apprehension of the law-abiding state. The law observing state is formally characterized by functioning on the basis of, and within the limits of law whereas its substantial dimension means that the law is equal (equal for everyone). This description is not sufficient to characterize the rule of the law state. It is only a fragment of even broader concept of the democratic state ruled by law.

9

Парламент или Советы: российский выбор 1918 года

61%

Исаев И. А.

Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne

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2016

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vol. 14

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issue 3

93-99

EN

The article deals with one of the most important issues in the Soviet political and legal history. The choice of the political form that was established almost immediately after the victory of the Bolsheviks in the Revolution of 1917, meant a change in the direction of development of the state. Councils became an alternative to the parliamentary republic. The article analyzes the basic principles of both political systems and the reasons for such a choice. The author emphasizes transnational political direction of the so-called “direct action” which took place not only in Russia, but also in several European countries.

10

Między polityką a prawem, czyli o sprawiedliwości okresu przejściowego

58%

Czarnota A.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Philosophica. Ethica – Aesthetica – Practica

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2015

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issue 27

13-35

EN

The article is a theoretical study of legal strategies introduced in states under political transformation (post-communist states in Europe, Australia, South Africa) to deal with the effects of former political regimes. As the author argues, opening a discussion concerning the evils of former regimes is important for raising public engagement in building a new state of law. Legal retribution expresses the public contempt for committed crimes and reasserts the existence of public norms. However, following the arguments of Judith Shklar and Niklas Luhmann, the author warns against the inner limitations of legal instruments in defining the space of social and moral relationships. An antidote against the possible political instrumentalization of law and the dominance of legal regulations in public sphere should be found therefore in independent historical research and cultural debate that seeks for a deeper understanding of the past.

PL

Artykuł jest teoretyczną analizą strategii prawnych wprowadzonych w krajach przechodzących transformację polityczną (w państwach postkomunistycznych w Europie, w Australii, w Południowej Afryce), używanych przy radzeniu sobie ze skutkami dawnych reżimów politycznych. Zdaniem autora rozpoczęcie dyskusji na temat zła dawnych reżimów jest ważne dla zwiększenia zaangażowania społeczeństwa w budowaniu nowego ładu prawnego. Prawna «odpłata» jest wyrazem publicznego potępienia popełnionych zbrodni i potwierdza istnienie norm publicznych. Jednak idąc tropem argumentów Judith Shklar i Niklasa Luhmanna, autor ostrzega przed wewnętrznymi ograniczeniami instrumentów prawnych w definiowaniu przestrzeni stosunków społecznych i relacji o charakterze moralnym. Antidotum na ewentualną instrumentalizację prawa dla celów politycznych i dominację regulacji prawnych w sferze publicznej należy w związku z tym szukać w niezależnych badaniach historycznych i debacie kulturowej, która zmierza do głębszego zrozumienia przeszłości.

11

O nielegalności „legalnego marksizmu” (S.N. Bułgakow i M.A. Bierdiajew)

58%

Krasicki J.

Internetowy Magazyn Filozoficzny Hybris

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2018

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vol. 40

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issue 1

20-38

EN

The article deals with the question of how Sergei Bulgakov and Nicolai Berdyaev, two spokesmen of the so-called “legitimate Marxism,” approached Marx’s philosophy. The author tries to find out the reasons of their access to and then dismissal of the doctrine. While he stresses the complex character of the former, he also demonstrates that the latter was not a simple act of rejection but was connected with attempts to understand Marx’s socio-economic doctrine on the religious and metaphysical basis.

12

Deformations of conscience

58%

Biesaga T.

Logos i Ethos

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2019

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vol. 51

EN

The paper presents a description of moral pseudonorms, which displace proper moral norms from our consciousness and action as well as distort our morality. The study analyzes mainly the pseudonorms that generate the fundamentals of legalism and their opposition – the fundamentals of moral anarchism. The first groups of pseudonorms identifies morality with civil law, especially criminal law. On the other hand the other group of pseudonorms, equates morality with what is spontaneous, impulsive, authentic.The paper analyzes not only the scope and contentrelated distortion of moral norms caused by the substitutes of morality, but it also reveals the reasons of creating the pseudo norms in our consciousness. These reasons are induced by the impact of the pride center and the concupiscent center on our value response and by preferring the extramoral values over the moral ones. Exposing the mechanism of functioning of the pseudonorms in our moral consciousness is useful not only for ethics but also for psychology and pedagogy as well as for selfeducation and moral development.

13

Synaj górą objawienia Imienia Boga

44%

Kosytorz R.

Scriptura Sacra

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2013

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issue 17

169-180

EN

God who revealed himself to Moses on Mount Horeb, revealed himself to humanity in a way that he had never been revealed before. Until the moment Moses encounters God in the burning bush God had always been known as „the God of your father, the God of Abraham.” (Exodus 3;6). Then He calls himself „ I am who I am” (Exodus 3;14), a name which describes his eternal power. God gives Moses his own personal name, which is very important for Jews. (A name expresses the person’s essence and identity. God having a name is not an anonymous force. To disclose one’s name is to make oneself known to others). God reveals himself as God of Covenant who is faithful and compassionate, merciful and gracious. God gives laws ensuring justice for everybody, telling at the same time that mercy goes before punishment. Thus, God revealing himself on Mount Sinai (Horeb) is God full of mercy, which is an anticipation of the New.

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LEGALIZM MONARCHICZNY JAKO ISTOTNY CZYNNIK STABILIZACJI POLITYCZNEJ W ŚWIECIE ARABSKIM

Samorząd terytorialny w stanie epidemii

Clinical and Pastoral Implications of the Ministry of Martin Luther and the Protestant Reformation

Anchored to Human Rights: On the Normative Foundation of Habermas’s Public Sphere

Zasada legalności w kontekście normy ogólnej z kan. 1399 Kodeksu Prawa Kanonicznego z 1983 roku

Institution and inclination in the post-socialist space: Genocide as “memory intervention”

Polityczne przesłanki funkcjonowania służb wywiadowczych Władz Rzeczpospolitej na uchodźstwie po 1945 r.

The concept of the State of Law

Парламент или Советы: российский выбор 1918 года

Między polityką a prawem, czyli o sprawiedliwości okresu przejściowego

O nielegalności „legalnego marksizmu” (S.N. Bułgakow i M.A. Bierdiajew)

Deformations of conscience

Synaj górą objawienia Imienia Boga