Search results

1

The Level of Political Party Activity: Study of the Elections of Presidents in Cities with Poviat Rights of the Silesian Voivodeship in 2002-2018

100%

Kaczmarczyk K.

Political Preferences

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2022

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vol. 30

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issue 1

35-48

EN

Since 2002 in Poland voters in the local government elections can directly elect the head of the rural municipality, mayor and city president. Local elections, in Polish conditions, are treated as an arena favourable for local committees, often non-party. However, it should be noted that many analyses show that the higher the level of self-government, the more important the committees of political parties are. The increase in the participation of political parties in the election competition is also noticeable in medium and large cities. The author decided to check whether the cities with poviat status of the Silesian Voivodeship favour party committees or rather a committee unrelated to any political parties. For this purpose, the participation and effectiveness of these committees in local elections of cities presidents with poviat rights of the Silesian Voivodeship in 2002-2018 was analysed. The study confirmed that the level of politicization in elections is increasing, however, the effectiveness of party committees in the election of city presidents is lower than the effectiveness of local committees. In addition, political parties are more active and influential in larger cities.

2

Proměny volební kultury v brněnské komunální politice 1861–1914

100%

Fasora L.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2014

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vol. 6

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issue 1

53-63

EN

This paper deals with the changing face of the electoral culture in City of Brno local politics, analysing changes in electoral strategies and tenure of power in the case of the German Liberal Party.

3

How to trigger an epidemic: A U-turn in Hungarian drug policy and its public health consequences.

88%

Kender-Jeziorska I. K.

Horyzonty Polityki

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2018

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vol. 9

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issue 29

25-43

EN

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The paper aims to investigate and describe the developments of Hungarian drug policy in 1993-2018 with special emphasis on harm reduction and its local dimension as well as public health consequences of studied policies. It attempts to link the changes in drug harm reduction policies to broader political changes in the country. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Hungarian drug policy has been a subject to numerous significant changes over the last few decades. The phenomenon, while receiving attention from the point of view of addiction science, public health or sociology, is hardly addressed using public policy and political lenses. This paper aims to fill this gap, examining the problem using a single case study method and providing an in-depth insight into the issue through qualitative analysis of interviews with key-informants working in the field. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Hungarian drug policy developments are very strongly connected to government changes where periods of social-democratic governments have been favourable for pragmatic and more liberal approach, and periods of conservative governments have been characterized by legal restrictions, moral approach and hindering harm reduction services. As such, drug policy in the country has been neither consistent nor coherent over time. A strong U-turn took place after 2010 parliamentary and local government elections won by Fidesz party. Significant cuts in drug-related budget and hostile political environment on both state and local levels resulted in the closure of two biggest needle exchange programs located in Budapest, which combined were responsible for over 50% of distributed sterile syringes in the country. Strategies and methods of operation of local politicians contributing to these closures were clearly distinct, with a populist political style in one case, and opportunism and calculation in the other. Nevertheless, both contributed to a dramatic decrease in needle exchange availability. RESEARCH RESULTS: As a consequence of hostile policies of Budapest local governments, few hundred previous clients of needle exchange programmes do not maintain relationships with any services and their health status is unknown. On the other hand, the prevalence of risky practices like equipment sharing or multiple uses has increased. Over only a few years the prevalence of Hepatitis C among people who inject drugs doubled. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: This paper addressed the political and policy-making aspects of drug harm reduction in Hungary, identifying two styles of dealing with unwanted services on the local level: populist and opportunist one. Combined with the longitudinal analysis of the field development, it can be thus seen that applying a moralistic approach to this policy field can put public health in jeopardy, especially in combination with local policies being implemented ad hoc and dictated rather by political interest than long-term policy goals.

4

Small towns in peripheral regions of Germany

88%

Kühn M.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis Studia Geographica

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2015

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vol. 8 Small Towns’ Development Problems

29-38

EN

The paper summarizes the main findings of a study on small towns in peripheral locations in Germany. In its first part, the results of the data analysis are presented and the spatial distribution of shrinking and growing small towns in Germany is described. The majority of them in peripheral areas are currently shrinking, which includes an assemblage of demographic, economic, infrastructural and fiscal problems, leading to a danger of a negative downward spiral. The second part deals with specific challenges and problems of the shrinking towns. In qualitative case studies, main disadvantages of peripheral location and peripheralisation processes of four selected towns are outlined, which narrow the scope of action for local politics. Part 3 provides a short analysis of the main strategies of those four towns coping with peripheralisation. In the last part, an outlook is given in a more general matter, which shows possibilities to turn the ascribed deficits of peripherality into strengths.

5

Cosmopolitans of small fatherlands

88%

Swianiewicz P., Lackowska M.

Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development

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2008

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vol. 13

197-208

EN

The paper investigates into the specific features of the residents living in the metropolitan areas (MAs) in Poland. Basing on the statistical data and survey conducted in the two Polish MAs we draw conclusions on the spatial and political behaviour of metropolitan residents and on their territorial identity. The results show that a fair share of metropolitan residents live in a scale wider then their home municipality. Moreover some citizens (especially those who migrated to suburbs recently and those with higher education) reveal stronger spatial identity with the whole metropolitan area then with their home municipality. Delocalisation is also reflected in the lack of interest in municipal politics and low trust in suburb municipal politicians, while their interest in general politics remains on a high level.

6

Politika jako povolání? Vliv uvolněnosti obecních zastupitelů na volební soutěživost

88%

Školník M., Haman M.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

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2021

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vol. 57

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issue 1

3-23

EN

This article examines the impact that the remuneration of municipal representatives has on the political competition in the Czech Republic. Municipal representatives can perform their office either full time (an 'engaged' representative) or part time (a 'disengaged' representative). It is common in some small Czech municipalities for there to be no full-time representatives, and even mayors are disengaged. There is no central database or website in Czech Republic that contains a list of all the municipalities and disengaged representatives and it was thus very difficult to obtain the necessary data. However, the authors discovered an original method for determining whether representatives are (dis)engaged and created a unique dataset of almost 6000 Czech municipalities. They used a specific item in the expenditures of every municipality's budget that concerns compulsory social insurance payments and they sorted municipalities according to whether their representatives worked full time or part time before the 2018 Czech municipal elections. They used ordinary least square regression models to reach conclusions. The results revealed that the presence of full-time representatives before the municipal elections increased the number of candidates per seat. Therefore, the authors found that there is greater electoral competitiveness in municipalities with full-time representatives who have higher salaries.

7

Reversing the past. Municipal Splits in Slovakia after 1989

88%

Spáč P.

Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development

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2021

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vol. 25

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issue 1

28-36

EN

The research on territorial reforms on the local level has so far focused on municipal amalgamations. However, less is known about municipal splits – a phenomenon that is less frequent, but that occurred in several European countries in recent decades. This paper deals with municipal splits in Slovakia after 1989, and it examines a set of factors that supported municipalities in their effort to obtain independence. The findings show that the massive wave of splits that began shortly after 1989 was primarily motivated by the aim of reversing the consequences of the amalgamation that had been conducted by the Communist regime. Hence, the question of identity was the main trigger leading to municipal splits. On the other hand, the analysis found that economic factors had only a limited role in the establishing of new municipalities in Slovakia.

8

Lokální politika v Česku a v Evropě aneb vítejte v labyrintu místní samosprávy

88%

Müller K., Fleissner K., Kný D.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

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2015

|

issue 1

119-137

EN

This article reviews four books about the specifics of local democracy. Two of them focus on the Czech context only, the other two books present a large set of data from the comparative surveys of 15 European countries. The arguments of the review article are accompanied by preliminary findings of our own survey conducted in three selected Czech municipalities which represent (in our opinion) cases of progressive local governance. Structure, political culture and self-perception of local councillors across Europe are characterized by incredible variety. In comparison with the European average, the structure of local governance in the Czech Republic is extremely fragmented. European local politics is dominated by educated, nonpartisan and long-term residents; even more so in the Czech where local politics is also more masculine. The landscape of local councils in Europe oscillates between the idea of representative government (which slightly dominates), and the concept of participatory democracy. Czech councillors have a higher affinity with representative forms of democratic governance, but they also declaratorily support direct forms of public participation in decision-making.

9

THE RIVALRY STRATEGIES OF POLITICAL PARTIESIN ELECTIONS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF CITIZENS OF THE FREE AND HANSEATIC CITY OF HAMBURG

88%

Wroniszewska B., Ganowicz E.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2013

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vol. 42

109-138

EN

The author undertakes to discuss the problem of rivalry strategies of political parties in elections to the Citizens’ Assembly of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg. The broadness and multidimensional character of the subject area requires moving beyond the limits of political science and entering other related domains, like broadly-conceived historical sciences, also reaching for a number of establishments within legal-historical domains. Firmly grounded historical, legal, polity-related and political aspects of the unification of Germany in the context of German federalism, encouraged and obligated the author, to attempt to bring the above problem up to date. I think that thanks to a broader analysis of elections to the Hamburg Citizens’ Assembly over the last 50 years, the real state of the problem area can acquire a fuller context, with an emphasis on the foundations of local government functioning. To prepare this paper I made use of Polish and German sources published by Polish, American and German researchers. Polish and German literature offered a valuable source to become acquainted with the history and the foreseeable future of Hamburg’s local government, in particular – the assumptions behind territorial and functional reforms, the evolution of which we have been able to follow in the Federal Republic of Germany since the 1970s.

10

Politická reprezentace žen na pozicích starostek v Česku a na Slovensku v letech 2006–2014 : Srovnávací analýza faktorů úspěšnosti

75%

Maškarinec P., Klimovský D., Danišová S.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

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2018

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vol. 54

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issue 4

529-560

EN

Main objective of this article is to analyse political determinants of the descriptive representation of women at the local level in communal elections (i.e. the position of mayor) in the Czech Republic and Slovakia over the past decade. It focuses on the political opportunity structure (i.e. the structure of relationships that affect social and political behaviour) and questions whether this structure affects also women’s political representation. It shows that women are significantly advantaged in municipalities where women have held a mayoral post in a previous electoral term. In contrast to other studies, previous women’s representation in a municipal council is here found to have only a limited effect. The strong negative effect of the direct election of mayors and the negative effect of municipal size (only in Slovakia) indicate that women’s representation as mayors may be the result of interdependent phenomena that are a combination of institutional structure (e.g. electoral procedure, the mayor’s powers) and political contextual factors (past experience with a female mayor – not necessarily incumbents). This finding challenges earlier studies and it shows that any effort to identify a clear list of determinants of women’s representation as mayors is a complex task, making it difficult to pursue a broader comparative study in a different institutional environment or a different political culture.

11

Women in Local Politics in Russia: Coping with Poverty and Strategies for Development

75%

Sätre A.-M.

Eastern European Countryside

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2014

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vol. 20

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issue 1

27-53

EN

In historical continuation from the Soviet Union, social policy is predominantly a female responsibility. The present article focuses on women in local politics, who have an important role in local change, and who; among others, cope with poverty and try to solve reasons and consequences of poverty. Based on interviews and observations, the article shows how women’s entrepreneurial skills of handling various shortcomings in the Soviet system are reflected in their present strategies for social development in local contexts in Russia. While the state leadership decides about reforms, setting new formal rules, local politicians develop their own routines and strategies. Being responsible for organising social welfare, interviewed female politicians told about how they use different strategies. This means that adopted practices are likely to be more heterogeneous than before. It seems important to both rely on useful norms inherited from the Soviet time, while also developing strategies based on new possibilities, arising as a result of reforms. The empirical data is based on interviews from three minor communities in one Russian region, conducted in 2002 to 2012.

12

WYJAŚNIENIA LOKALNEJ POLITYKI SPOŁECZNEJ. PODEJŚCIA I TRADYCJE BADAWCZE

75%

Theiss M.

Polityka Społeczna

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2017

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vol. 44

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issue 5-6(518-519)

14–20

EN

The article provides the analysis of methodology of contemporary research on local social policy in Poland. Its goal is to map the main current approaches which explain the differentiation of local social policy. In the article it is claimed that the majority of contemporary Polish analyses of local social policy propose technical and managerial explanations of its diversity. Thus, the economic, demographic, political and cultural explanations tend to be overlooked. In the article it is shown how explanations focusing on technical aspects correlate with narrow understanding of local social policy and how they obscure spatial aspect of social inequalities.

PL

Celem artykułu jest przeanalizowanie współczesnych nurtów wyjaśniania różnic w lokalnej polityce społecznej. W artykule formułowana jest teza, że znaczna część polskiej literatury przedmiotu opiera się na założeniu o tym, że lokalną politykę społeczną należy wyjaśniać głównie w kategoriach sprawności samorządu. Na plan dalszy schodzą zatem omawiane w artykule wyjaśnienia ekonomiczne, demograficzne, polityczne i kulturowe. Artykuł ukazuje, że sprawnościowe wyjaśnianie lokalnej polityki społecznej jest powiązane z jej wąskim rozumieniem oraz utrudnia identyfikację przestrzennych aspektów nierówności społecznych.

13

Slovenské komunální volby v roce 2018 a politická reprezentace žen: potvrzení vývoje nebo nástup nových trendů?

75%

Klimovský D., Pinterič U., Maškarinec P.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

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2019

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issue 2

5-25

EN

The purpose of this study is to test the determinants of women’s descriptive representation at local level in Slovakia after last local elections in 2018. We focus on the determinants of women’s descriptive representation in Slovak district cities local councils and how various factors (socioeconomic, cultural, or political) affect women’s political representation at this level. Using multiple linear regression and local elections own dataset , we found that most important factor regarding women’s representation is the share of women in a previous electoral term in a given district city, together with other factors indicating the openness of local political culture to female representation, namely the presence of a female mayor in the previous term and the political representation of women in regional councils. On the contrary, the remaining factors had a much less impact of female representation often with an opposite effect to one expected. The results of our study thus show that, together with above mentioned factors, women are less favoured in larger cities, with a more educated population or stronger presence of independent councillors. So, we hypothesize about validity of desirability hypothesis, which stated that women would be much less represented in councils, where politicians have more resources, i.e. specifically in largest cities.

14

Politika na půl úvazku aneb Neuvolnění starostové : jak fungují jejich obce?

75%

Šaradín P., Outlý J., Soukop M., Vrabková I.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

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2019

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vol. 55

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issue 4

503-522

EN

This article presents findings on ‘part-time’ mayors in the Czech Republic and to what extent the fact that they only work part time as mayor affects how well their municipality functions compared to those who work as full-time mayors. Drawing on data from an open database, this article analyses several variables relating to the status and activities of disengaged mayors. It also examines the quality of the functioning of municipalities with parttime and full-time mayors, respectively, and reveals whether there are more problems reported in the function of municipalities that have part-time mayors than those with full-time mayors. The findings of this evaluation are based on an analysis of the annual audits of municipalities.

15

Przywództwo "wiecznego prezydenta". Przypadek Wojciecha Szczurka w Gdyni

75%

Drzonek M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2021

|

issue 2 (379)

89-112

EN

The president of Gdynia, Wojciech Szczurek won all direct elections in the 1st round, with a very large advantage over his rivals. His election committee – Samorządność (Self- governance) - has always won an absolute majority in the city council. W. Szczurek belongs to the category of "everlasting mayors". The aim of these considerations is to find an answer to the key question concerning the specificity of W. Szczurek's local leadership. The main hypothesis was adopted that the peculiarity of the leadership of the Gdynia’s president results both from the personal attributes of W. Szczurek and the socio-cultural specificity of the inhabitants of the city. Gdynia was built by the settlers who came here less than 100 years ago. It was also hypothesized that the leadership of W. Szczurek is the result of combining three leadership styles: manager, artist and priest. It was also assumed that the politicians of the president's Samorzadność emphasized his achievements, competences and non-party status. In turn, his opponents (affiliated with parliamentary political parties) downplay his success, and only emphasize his image skills. The considerations were based on original own research – first of all - in-depth interviews with some Gdynia’s councillors. Deliberations were extended with the results of survey research: the perception of the ideal president’s attributes among local politicians from the Tri-City (Trójmiasto – Gdańsk, Gdynia, Sopot) was examined. The method of weighting the preferences of choice was used. The general conclusions are as follows. The specificity of W. Szczurek's leadership in Gdynia results from the socio-cultural conditions of the city and its personal qualities. These personal features allows to see three leadership attitudes: effective manager, a sagacious judge and an subsidiary scout.

16

Wybory samorządowe 2010 - Prawo i Sprawiedliwość w województwie zachodniopomorskim, s. 119-138

75%

Hoehle A.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA

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2013

|

issue 26

119-138

EN

The article contains multi-aspect analysis of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość structures participation in self-government election 2010 in the West Pomerania Region. Personalities of candidates, results of their campaigns and especially ways of campaigns leading are described. In the article occurs elements such as election papers characteristic, presentation of candidates in media themselves and short analysis of PiS election program proposals during the election. The article contains also references to former elections of the Party and wide-spread conclusions.

PL

Artykuł ocenia w sposób wieloaspektowy udział struktur partii Prawo i Sprawiedliwość w wyborach samorządowych w 2010 roku, na terenie województwa zachodniopomorskiego. Opisano w nim sylwetki kandydatów oraz uzyskane przez nich wyniki, ale przede wszystkim zbadano sposób prowadzenia kampanii. Znajdują się w tym takie elementy jak charakterystyka materiałów wyborczych, autoprezentacja kandydatów w mediach, czy krótka analiza propozycji programowych PiS. W treści zawarto także odniesienie do poprzednich startów tej partii, a artykuł kończy się wnioskami i ogólnym podsumowaniem.

17

Polityka lokalna gminy Uniejów – wybrane aspekty teoretyczne i praktyczne

75%

Kulawiak A., Smętkiewicz K., Uniwersytet Łódzki W. N. G., Dział Promocji Urzędu Miasta w Uniejowie

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica

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2016

|

issue 24

PL

W artykule omówiono sposób (metodę) prowadzenia przez władze samorządowe polityki lokalnej w małym mieście na przykładzie Uniejowa. Charakterystyki tego zagadnienia dokonano w oparciu o zaprezentowany przez J. Regulskiego schemat kreowania w mieście polityki lokalnej. Tym samym autorki skoncentrowały się przede wszystkim na identyfikacji wizji i celów prowadzonej w Uniejowie polityki lokalnej, przedstawieniu przyjętej przez władze lokalne strategii, w tym etapów jej powstawania i zastosowanych narzędzi oraz analizie podjętych działań, które w założeniu służą realizacji przyjętej wizji rozwoju. Ponadto, w artykule podjęto badania społeczne, których celem była identyfikacja i ocena stopnia zadowolenia mieszkańców miasta oraz odwiedzających go turystów z prowadzonej przez władze polityki lokalnej.

EN

The article discusses the way (method) carried out by the local authorities in local politics in a small town on the example of Uniejów. The characteristics of this problem is based on the scheme presented by J. Regulski creation in local politics. Thus, the author focused primarily on the identification of vision and goals pursued in Uniejow local politics, the presentation adopted by the local authority strategies, including the stages of its formation and the tools used and the analysis of the action taken in assuming pursue the adopted vision of development. In addition, the article discusses the social studies whose objective was to identify and assess the degree of satisfaction of residents and tourists from visiting him pursued by the authorities of local politics.

18

Nowy wymiar przywództwa politycznego: w poszukiwaniu perspektywy do badań personalizacji polityki na poziomie lokalnym

71%

Antkowiak P., Scheffs Ł.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

|

2015

|

issue 1

143-159

EN

A politician’s image is a specific kind of image shaped in the minds of voters which brings certain associations, thereby generating attitudes and having an impact on electoral preferences. The importance of personality traits and politicians’ images as perceived by voters is increasing. Empirical studies into politicians’ personalities continue to be among the most effective tools to examine the foundations for the personalization of politics also at a local level. These tools are to measure the personality traits of politicians as perceived by citizens. This paper attempts to systematize concepts, and introduces advanced empirical research.

PL

Wizerunek polityka jest szczególnego rodzaju wyobrażeniem ukształtowanym w umyśle wyborców, które wywołując określone skojarzenia - staje się źródłem postaw i wpływa na preferencje wyborcze. Jednocześnie obserwuje się rosnące znaczenie spostrzeganych przez wyborców cech osobowości i wizerunku polityków. Jednym ze skuteczniejszych narzędzi badania podstaw personalizacji polityki, również na poziomie lokalnym, pozostają studia empiryczne nad osobowością polityków. Dotyczyć one powinny pomiaru spostrzeganych przez obywateli cech osobowości polityków. Artykuł jest próbą usystematyzowania pojęć oraz wstępem do przeprowadzenia zaawansowanych badań empirycznych.

19

Wielokadencyjność bez afiliacji partyjnej? Spostrzeżenia po reelekcjach „wiecznych prezydentów” w 2014 r.

71%

Drzonek M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2016

|

issue 1

81-90

EN

Since 2002, town mayors in Poland have been elected in direct elections every four years. In thirty towns with county rights the same persons were elected in the years 2002–2010. They are named ‘everlasting mayors’ (multi-term mayors, incumbents). In the 2014 local elections three of them resigned from the campaign for re-election, ten ‘everlasting mayors’ lost the elections and seventeen of them won the elections once again. Their successes provide the starting point for determining the position of political parties and nonpartisan committees on local political scenes. The assumption is made that the political position of parties is powerful if the ‘everlasting mayor’ is effective in trying to gain re-election while formally representing this party on the local political scene. And conversely – parties have a weaker political position on the local political scene when the incumbent prefers to lead a nonpartisan election committee in the rivalry for re-election (an electoral committee of voters, or an electoral committee of a nongovernmental local organization). The final conclusion of the analysis is the following: in the 2014 local elections in Poland most of the ‘multi-term mayors’ were re-elected as representatives of nonpartisan committees. Only in two cities (Gdańsk, Świnoujście) were mayors’ seats won by party political incumbents.

PL

Od 2002 r. prezydenci miast są wybierani co 4 lata w wyborach bezpośrednich. W 30 miastach na prawach powiatu w latach 2002–2010 wybierano na prezydentów te same osoby. Określa się ich mianem „wiecznych prezydentów” (wielokadencyjni prezydenci). W 2014 r. trzech z nich zrezygnowało z walki o reelekcje, a dziesięciu przegrało wybory, a zatem siedemnastu kolejny raz wygrało wybory. Ich zwycięstwa są punktem wyjścia do określenia pozycji partii politycznych i komitetów pozapartyjnych na lokalnych scenach politycznych. Przyjęto bowiem założenie, że pozycja partii politycznej jest mocna, o ile dotychczasowy wielokadencyjny włodarz miasta skutecznie ubiega się o reelekcję, formalnie ją reprezentując. A contrario – jeśli inkumbent w walce o reelekcję wybiera start z komitetu pozapartyjnego (komitet wyborczy wyborców albo komitet wyborczy organizacji pozarządowej) to świadczy to o słabszej pozycji partii politycznej w danym mieście. Analiza pokazała, że w 2014 r. większość „wiecznych prezydentów” dokonała reelekcji, startując w wyborach jako reprezentanci komitetów pozapartyjnych. Tylko w dwóch przypadkach (Gdańsk, Świnoujście) fotele włodarzy miast zostały zajęte przez partyjnych inkumbentów.

20

Bezpartyjni prezydenci miast i ich znaczenie dla lokalnej polityki

63%

Gendzwill A.

Studia Regionalne i Lokalne

|

2010

|

issue 2(40)

99-120

PL

Artykuł opisuje fenomen bezpartyjności władz lokalnych dużych miast w Polsce, jest sprawozdaniem z badań empirycznych przeprowadzonych we Wrocławiu, w Gdyni i Katowicach. Opisano w nim typowe uzasadnienia bezpartyjności, zidentyfikowano różnice między radnymi partyjnymi a bezpartyjnymi w badanych miastach oraz scharakteryzowano organizacje quasi-partyjne stanowiące polityczne zaplecze bezpartyjnych prezydentów. Badania pokazały, że charakterystyczna dla tych organizacji jest kategoria lokalnych działaczy koncentrujących swoją działalność na szczeblu lokalnym, a także że bezpartyjność może być w polityce lokalnej drogą do instytucjonalizacji szczególnego sposobu rozumienia i uprawiania polityki. Artykuł dowodzi, że problem partyjności i bezpartyjności w polityce lokalnej powinien być rozpatrywany jako część szerszego zagadnienia przenikania się sfer polityki i administracji na poziomie lokalnym.

EN

The aim of the article is to describe the phenomenon of non-partisanship of local governments in large Polish cities. It is a report from a research conducted in Wroclaw, Gdynia and Katowice. The article contains a description of typical justifications of non-partisanship, an identification of differences between partisan and non-partisan city councillors and a description of quasi-partisan organizations functioning as political support for non-partisan mayors. The results of the research confirm the existence of a specific category of local activists consistently rejecting party politics and very often having no political ambitions concerning higher levels of government; this category is typical for quasi-partisan organizations. The research demonstrates that non-partisanship can be a means of institutionalization of a particular manner of understanding and making politics. One of the final conclusions is that the problems of partisanship and non-partisanship at the local level are derivatives of a vague relationship between public administration and politics at the local level.

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The Level of Political Party Activity: Study of the Elections of Presidents in Cities with Poviat Rights of the Silesian Voivodeship in 2002-2018

Proměny volební kultury v brněnské komunální politice 1861–1914

How to trigger an epidemic: A U-turn in Hungarian drug policy and its public health consequences.

Small towns in peripheral regions of Germany

Cosmopolitans of small fatherlands

Politika jako povolání? Vliv uvolněnosti obecních zastupitelů na volební soutěživost

Reversing the past. Municipal Splits in Slovakia after 1989

Lokální politika v Česku a v Evropě aneb vítejte v labyrintu místní samosprávy

THE RIVALRY STRATEGIES OF POLITICAL PARTIESIN ELECTIONS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF CITIZENS OF THE FREE AND HANSEATIC CITY OF HAMBURG

Politická reprezentace žen na pozicích starostek v Česku a na Slovensku v letech 2006–2014 : Srovnávací analýza faktorů úspěšnosti

Women in Local Politics in Russia: Coping with Poverty and Strategies for Development

WYJAŚNIENIA LOKALNEJ POLITYKI SPOŁECZNEJ. PODEJŚCIA I TRADYCJE BADAWCZE

Slovenské komunální volby v roce 2018 a politická reprezentace žen: potvrzení vývoje nebo nástup nových trendů?

Politika na půl úvazku aneb Neuvolnění starostové : jak fungují jejich obce?

Przywództwo "wiecznego prezydenta". Przypadek Wojciecha Szczurka w Gdyni

Wybory samorządowe 2010 - Prawo i Sprawiedliwość w województwie zachodniopomorskim, s. 119-138

Polityka lokalna gminy Uniejów – wybrane aspekty teoretyczne i praktyczne

Nowy wymiar przywództwa politycznego: w poszukiwaniu perspektywy do badań personalizacji polityki na poziomie lokalnym

Wielokadencyjność bez afiliacji partyjnej? Spostrzeżenia po reelekcjach „wiecznych prezydentów” w 2014 r.

Bezpartyjni prezydenci miast i ich znaczenie dla lokalnej polityki