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Edukacja
|
2017
|
issue 2(2017)
146–163
EN
Inequalities in education are so deeply embedded in social stratification that even far-reaching school reforms are not able to weaken the influence of social origin on school achievements. The aim of this article is to verify whether the education reform, which in Poland established a new type of 3-year lower secondary school (gimnazjum), simultaneously equalised the chances of students from different social backgrounds at the transition from lower to upper secondary school. All hypotheses were tested using PISA data from the years 2000–2012, which covered the period before and after school reform in Poland. In case of the first hypothesis, which concerned changes in the impact of social origin on student’s performance in the last year of the new schools, i.e. a year before transition to upper secondary school, PISA data clearly demonstrated that after the reform, there was no significant decrease in correlations between socio-economic status of students and their results in three PISA domains: mathematics, reading and science. In case of the second hypothesis, which was directly focused on social selections to upper secondary schools, PISA data did not confirm that anything changed in this respect after the reform. The third hypotheses addresses the problem of the growing differences among schools in terms of their performance. During the fifteen years since the reform, new schools started to diversify more and more, especially in large cities. PISA demonstrates, however, that this diversification did not perpetuate social inequalities, but rather resulted from competition among schools in the quality of instruction. The latter result was supported by PISA data from eight European countries where students, as in Poland, attend schools which are not divided into tracks. Between 2003 and 2012, growing differences among schools was observed in most of these countries, but in none of them was it accompanied by growing inequalities in education.
PL
The article presents the results of a survey on the perception of the psychosocial school environment and school functioning of lower secondary school students with and without chronic conditions. Students of grades 1–3 (N = 4,058) from randomly selected 234 public lower secondary schools from all voivodships participated in the survey. In this group 3,232 (80%) students were healthy and 798 (20%) had different chronic conditions. The anonymous “Health and school” questionnaire was used as the instrument for data collections with questions from HBSC study (Health Behaviour in School-aged Children) and from CHIP–AE Questionnaire (Child Health and Illness Profile: Adolescent Edition). Based on Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model, dimensions of psychosocial school environment were analysed on the individual level (microsystem) and the social relations level (mesosystem). It was found that healthy students, in comparison with those with chronic conditions, perceived school environment and their functioning at school better. They have: a larger sense of school belonging, higher level of school competencies and achievements, larger sense that their grades are adequate to the results, a higher social position in the class and a higher level of support from peers, teachers and parents. Students with chronic conditions have higher level of workload, stress and problems associated with the school, and they also spend more time on homework. These students (about 20% of the population of school age) have special educational needs which depend on the specificity and the course of the disease. Identification of difficult areas in the functioning of chronically ill students in the school and knowledge of their perception of their school’s psychosocial environment will allow teachers to provide them with appropriate support.
EN
This paper presents a study of the content of core curricula and selected textbooks for the third and fourth stages of education for the presence of contents related to rural areas and the protection of host ecosystems. Correlations between formal and informal environmental education in rural areas were evaluated. The author made an attempt to answer the research question: how secondary school education prepares students for further education? He described the research process and conclusions, which show, among other things, that the problem of multifunctional rural development, host ecosystems, their importance and their protection has been omitted in the core curricula for lower secondary schools, upper secondary schools, vocational schools as well as in most biology and geography textbooks. There is no mutual relationship between education of young people and adult after-school education in the country. Not only farmers but also other inhabitants of villages and towns should be committed to the protection of host systems and natural environmental values.
EN
The educational reform designed by Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (the Law and Justice political party) fits in a pattern of the previous Polish reforms, primarily due to the way they were introduced. The political rather than substantive factors determine their design, they are introduced too hastily, and the appointed experts are treated as an embellishment. This mode of operation is characteristic not only of Poland. The researchers cited in the text (J. Nelson, M. S. Archer, N. Luhmann) indicate its root causes and limited effectiveness. The state remains the most important player in shaping the educational system despite the attempts to reduce its influence on education under neo-liberal policies. However, the current analysis of its limited effectiveness should lay the foundations for a policy, which would take into account the need to reckon with the interests of other actors as well as to develop a long-term strategy.
PL
Projektowana przez Prawo i Sprawiedliwość nowa reforma edukacji wpisuje się, ze względu na sposób jej wprowadzania, w pewien schemat, jakim podlegały także poprzednie polskie reformy. O ich kształcie decydują czynniki polityczne, a nie merytoryczne, wprowadzane są one zbyt pospiesznie, powoływani eksperci stanowią rodzaj dekorum. Ten sposób działania jest charakterystyczny nie tylko dla Polski. Badacze, których przytaczam (J. Nelson, M. S. Archer, N. Luhmann) wskazują na ograniczoną skuteczność działań reformatorskich i na ich przyczyny. Mimo prób ograniczenia wpływu państwa na edukację w ramach polityki neoliberalnej pozostaje ono najważniejszym podmiotem kształtującym system edukacyjny. Istniejące analizy skuteczności działań państwa powinny jednak stworzyć podstawy polityki uwzględniającej konieczność liczenia się z interesami innych podmiotów, a przede wszystkim długookresowej.
PL
Zmniejszenie społecznych barier w dostępie do edukacji stanowiło jeden z celów reformy szkolnej z 1999 r. Do obniżenia nierówności miało przyczynić się stworzenie gimnazjów zapewniających wyrównaną jakość nauczania, a także przesunięcie o rok progu wyboru szkoły średniej. W artykule poddano weryfikacji trzy hipotezy dotyczące wpływu reformy gimnazjalnej na nierówności w polskich szkołach. Dwie pierwsze dotyczą znaczenia pochodzenia społecznego dla wyników osiąganych przez uczniów oraz dla szans wyboru szkoły średniej. Trzecia natomiast – skutków różnicowania się gimnazjów, ujawniającego się szczególnie w dużych miastach. Wyniki badania PISA z lat 2000–2012 nie dają podstaw do twierdzenia, że reforma gimnazjalna przyczyniła się do zmniejszenia nierówności w polskiej edukacji. W okresie funkcjonowania gimnazjów znaczenie pochodzenia społecznego dla osiągnięć uczniów utrzymywało się na podobnym poziomie jak przed reformą. Badanie PISA nie dostarcza też przekonujących dowodów na to, że zmniejszył się wpływ pochodzenia na wybór szkoły średniej. Z drugiej strony nie stwierdzono, aby pogłębiające się różnice między gimnazjami prowadziły do wzrostu nierówności, mimo że elitarne gimnazja stanowią nowy kanał edukacyjnego awansu. Podobnie jest zresztą w innych krajach Europy, gdzie różnicowanie się szkół również nie prowadzi do wzrostu nierówności związanych z pochodzeniem. Wniosek o stabilnym charakterze nierówności w polskich szkołach jest zgodny z wynikami prowadzonych na świecie badań, w których podkreśla się rolę szkoły w zapewnieniu trwałości norm i hierarchii stratyfikacyjnych. Badanie to dostarcza wielu argumentów na rzecz pozaedukacyjnych źródeł nierówności szkolnych, co wyjaśnia niewielką możliwość przeciwdziałania tym nierównościom za pomocą reform oświatowych.
EN
The need to reduce social inequalities in the transition to upper secondary school was one of the arguments for introducing lower secondary schools in 1999 in Poland. The new lower secondary schools extended the common comprehensive curriculum by one year and, in consequence, shifted the decision on choosing an upper secondary school, which was a crucial decision for continuing one’s further educational career in Poland. Three hypotheses were formulated on the impact of the reform on inequalities in Polish schools. The first two concern the importance of social origin for student performance and for the choice of upper secondary school, while the third addresses the effects of growing differences among lower secondary schools, especially in large cities. In order to test the hypotheses, PISA data were used from 2000–2012, which coincides with the period of introducing lower secondary schools in Poland. The PISA results demonstrate that after the reform, there was no decrease in correlations between school performance and socio-economic status of students. Likewise, the hypothesis of a persi-stent impact of social origin on upper secondary school choice also cannot be rejected. However, the increasing diversity of lower secondary schools did not lead to an increase in inequality in Polish education. The latter result has been confirmed by PISA data from eight European countries where the 15-year-old PISA students attend schools which are not divided into tracks. Between 2003 and 2012, the differences in performance among schools increased in most selected countries, but none of these countries saw an increase in educational inequality. The conclusions support the prominent hypothesis of Hans-Peter Shavit and Yossi Blossfeld about the persistence of inequalities in education. School reformers are helpless against stratification in society, which determines the educational attainment of children from different social classes.
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