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EN
Political science is older science than communication studies, but during the last decades we observe a high dynamic of communication research and publications. It is linked with a development of television in the second part of 20th c., and the new media as internet and next, the social media in 21th c. The technologies of communication play a fundamental role as an object of research at both disciplines because they revolutionize the political world. A group of scholars, who are interested in a research between politics and communication, widens systematically. This process stated in 50s of 20th c. During the last two decades studies in political communication have confirmed how political and communication sciences are close. I will show this symbiosis on an example of relations between media and politics in Eastern and Central Europe.
Zeszyty Prasoznawcze
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2014
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vol. 57
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issue 2
190-202
EN
Various studies on the meaning and the scope of mediatization and the relations between media system and political system seem to be insufficient, taking into account of all the transformations that have occurred for the past 6–8 years. The author is concerned how the process of mediatization changed under the influence of new media and ICT. Whether the political parties’ ability to create independent, owned or shared, and mediatized through the world wide web, channels and tools of communication undermined the existing model of political communication? In order to provide a new approach, the author refers to selected aspects of marketing communication and applies media typology based on the PEO(S) model
EN
This article analyses the first licensing process carried out after the adoption of the Broadcasting Act in Poland in 1992. Great excitement surrounded the award of the first television licenses – especially nationwide licenses. However, this article focuses on an analysis of this process in the case of radio broadcasting. It is based on documents gathered in the Archives of the National Broadcasting Council, particularly on reports of meetings with the candidates for radio broadcasting. The analysis also includes articles published in newspapers. A personal interview with the Vice-Chair of the National Broadcasting Council was also used. The study aimed to determine the shape of the Polish radio market desired by the National Broadcasting Council and the focus of this institution during the first licensing process. The author noted that the Council concentrated on the financial aspects of the submitted applications. This thesis corresponds well with the trend observed by media experts in the transformation of media systems in Eastern Europe in the early 1990s and how market logic prevailed when shaping the new media system.
EN
This paper explores the social dimension of security concerning public broadcasters in Poland and in Italy. Public broadcasters are obliged to design their content around a mission. This is a requirement under national regulations on state security. From the perspective of national systems with legal and political histories as different as Poland’s and Italy’s, the shaping of the social space by public broadcasters’ digital tools reflects the transnational vector of action based on public media.
EN
Based on a review of the extensive related literature, the changes that have taken place in the media and information space of Ukraine since Soviet times for the first twenty years of independence of that state have been shown in this article. The authors of the publication try to show the multiple conditions affecting the shaping of these spaces: from historical, social, political and economic to technological. They also indicate global phenomena that also influence the processes that shape contemporary periodic media and mediated communication of Ukraine.
EN
The chapter examines the problems resulting from employing the perspective of media reform in relation to the development of post-socialist media systems in Central and Eastern Europe. The perspective of media reform is normatively rooted both in normative (value) expectations and in narrow focus on regulatory success, ahistorical and descriptive. The chapter substitutes this approach with the media systems approach, which allows for a broader analysis of media system dimensions in their historical context, as well as in terms of their relationship to each other. Several examples of failed reforms, a consequence of the misunderstanding of the media system and the misfit with the type of regulatory model employed, are examined. The chapter finally questions whether the relationships between main media system dimensions are still valid in conditions of digital networked media and increased media commercialization. As one example of this it questions the present “health” of the normatively expected relationship between journalistic professionalism and the market-oriented media in terms of the contemporary developments in “predatory” media and citizen journalism.
EN
This article explores patterns of mediatized participation of European citizens and the way they differ across different media systems, in a multilevel, cross-national comparative research design. Mediatized participation is operationalized as audience practices on the Internet. The media system is conceptualized through the theoretical model of digital mediascapes, which applied to 22 European Union countries produced three clusters/media systems. The audience data are from representative online surveys in 8 eastern and western European countries N = 9532 collected by the authors and their research partners. Factor and cluster analyses were performed showing types and patterns of mediatized participation. Hierarchical multiple regression analysis and ANOVA were performed to relate the individual level variables to the macro-level clusters of digital media systems. The article shows audiences in the more mediatized, Western cluster are more engaged in participatory practices in comparison to audiences in the Eastern/Southern cluster of European countries which show more extensive information consumption practices.
EN
Kyrgyzstan will hold regular parliamentary elections in 2020. Kyrgyz mass media took an active part in almost all previous election campaigns. On the one hand, state mass media acted as an administrative resource. The airtime area of the KRTRC (Public Television and Radio Broadcasting Corporation of the Kyrgyz Republic), state newspapers Kyrgyz Tuusu, Slovo Kyrgyzstana, Erkin-Too and others mainly served to voice and approve candidates, parties lobbied by the ruling power. On the other hand, activities of various political actors and private media are the basis of mosaic of information space in Kyrgyzstan. Political technologists, who see the media as one of the effective mechanisms of influence and public opinion formation, interact closely with them, setting the tone necessary for the client. All these political and information processes led to the fact that in 2005 a multiparty parliament was elected, citizens were politicized and the development of social networks continues to periodically change the mosaic of the media picture of the country. This is especially intensified, as it has already been noted, on the eve of the elections. However, the relative freedom of the mass media, the possibility of confrontation between different political actors, the use of political technologies, in the absence of a clear state position and ideology do not increase the level of civic activity.
RU
В Кыргызстане в 2020 году состоятся очередные парламентские выборы. Практически во всех предыдущих предвыборных кампаниях СМИ Кыргызстана принимали в ней активное участие. С одной стороны, государственные СМИ выполняли роль административного ресурса. Площадка эфирного времени ОТРК КР (Общественная телерадиовещательная корпорация Кыргызской Республики), государственных газет «Кыргыз Туусу», «Слово Кыргызстана», «Эркин-Тоо» и других в основном служили для озвучивания и одобрения кандидатов, партий, лоббируемых правящей властью. С другой стороны, деятельность, принадлежащих различным политическим акторам, частных СМИ являются основой мозаики информационного пространства Кыргызстана. Политтехнологи, которые рассматривают СМИ как один из действенных механизмов влияния и формирования общественного мнения взаимодействуют с ними тесно, задавая им тон, необходимый для заказчика. Все эти политические, информационные процессы привели к тому, что в 2005 году был избран многопартийный парламент, граждане политизированы, а развитие соцсетей продолжают периодически менять мозаику медийной картины страны. Особенно это активизируется, как уже было отмечено, в преддверии выборов. Однако, относительная свобода масс-медиа, возможность противоборства различных политических сил, использование политтехнологий, при отсутствии четкой государственной позиции и идеологии не повышают уровень гражданской активности.
PL
Portugalia, kraj atlantycki położony na Półwyspie Iberyjskim, niegdyś bogaty i niepokonany, dzisiaj jest jednym z najsłabiej i najwolniej rozwijających się państw Europy Zachodniej. Reżim autorytarny, deficyt handlu zagranicznego, ogromne wydatki na utrzymanie armii, masowa emigracja, niska jakość życia i analfabetyzm sprawiły, że Portugalia do połowy lat siedemdziesiątych była zacofana i wyizolowana na arenie międzynarodowej. Dopiero przewrót wojskowy dokonany 25 kwietnia 1974 roku przez Ruch Sił Zbrojnych doprowadził do defaszyzacji i demokratyzacji Portugalii. Od tej pory życie polityczne i medialne tego kraju wkroczyło w nową fazę. Media zaczęły się swobodnie rozwijać, a społeczeństwo korzystać z pluralizmu opinii i wolności słowa. Chociaż krajobraz medialny Portugalii wciąż pozostawia wiele do życzenia, to trzeba przyznać, że staje się coraz silniejszy i niezależny. Staje się to także za przyczyną nowych technologii, które napędzają ten proces. Celem niniejszego artykułu będzie charakterystyka portugalskiego systemu medialnego, ukazanie jego mocnych i słabych stron, a także nakreślenie przyszłych ram rozwojowych.
EN
Portugal, a country located on the Atlantic Iberian Peninsula, once rich and invincible, today is one of the least and slowest growing countries in Western Europe. Authoritarian regime, foreign trade deficit, huge expenses for the maintenance of the army, mass emigration, poor quality of life and illiteracy made Portugal till mid seventies backward and isolated in the international arena. Just military coup made April 25, 1974 year by the Armed Forces Movement led to defeating fascism and introduced the process of democratization in Portugal. Since that time, the political life of the country and the Portuguese media entered into a new phase. Media landscape began to flourish, and society benefited from pluralism of opinion and freedom of speech. Although the Portuguese mass media still leave a lot to be desired, must be admited that it become increasingly strong and independent. It also happens because of new technologies that drive this process. The purpose of this article is the characterization of the Portuguese media system, showing its strengths and weaknesses, as well as outlining the framework for its future development.
EN
Due to various interest in the specification of the media, it is worth looking at them in different countries. Austria has became the target. The aim of the article is to match the type of media system with argumentation and to present their activities and the quality of information transfer on the example of the campaign of candidates for the office of chancellor in the parliamentary elections, the genesis of which can certainly be classified as unusual, unforgettable for political history of Austria.
PL
Ze względu na szerokie zainteresowanie specyfikacją mediów warto przyglądać się im w różnych krajach. Na celowniku znalazła się Austria. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie specyfiki systemu medialnego i jakości przekazu na przykładzie przeprowadzonej kampanii kandydatów na urząd kanclerza w wyborach parlamentarnych.
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2022
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vol. 5
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issue 1
6-23
EN
At the beginning of February 2021, the draft bill on the additional income of the National Health Fund, the National Monument Protection Fund, and the establishment of the Fund to Support Culture and National Heritage in the Media was included in the curriculum of legislative works of the Council of Ministers. The aim of the project is to obtain additional funds that would help to prevent the long-term health, economic, and social effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. The resources  would be derived from taxes imposed on advertising both on the Internet and in the traditional (but exclusively commercial) media. This project, colloquially referred to as the âmedia taxâ, was soon considered a powerful blow to the free, independent media. Since their main source of income is advertising,, the proposed project could lead to a significant reduction in their level of income. This situation was almost immediately compared to the situation of the media in Hungary, where the activities of the media that do not publish pro-government content are regularly limited, both legally and financially. Similarly to the Polish draft bill, the Central European Press and Media Foundation (KESMA) was established  with the aim to support the diversity of the media in Hungary. However, the foundation includes only the pro-government media. The paper presents the similarities between the bill proposed by the politicians of Law and Justice party and the activities of KESMA â a foundation established after Viktor OrbĂĄn took power. The paper also presents the threat that media taxes could pose to media pluralism in Poland during the COVID-19 pandemic.
PL
Na początku lutego 2021 roku do wykazu programowych prac legislacyjnych Rady Ministrów został wpisany projekt ustawy o dodatkowych przychodach Narodowego Funduszu Zdrowia, Narodowego Funduszu Ochrony Zabytków oraz utworzeniu Funduszu Wsparcia Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego w Obszarze Mediów. Założeniem projektu jest pozyskiwanie dodatkowych środków finansowych, które miałyby zapobiegać długofalowym zdrowotnym, gospodarczym i społecznym skutkom pandemii COVID-19. Ich źródłem miałyby być składki od reklamy w internecie oraz mediów tradycyjnych (wyłącznie komercyjnych). Projekt ten, potocznie nazywany „podatkiem od mediów”, szybko został odebrany jako potężny cios wymierzony w wolne, niezależne media, których głównym źródłem dochodu są właśnie środki reklamowe. W związku z tym rozwiązania zakładane w projekcie mogłyby doprowadzić do znacznego obniżenia poziomu dochodów wybranych mediów. Sytuacja ta praktycznie od razu została porównana do sytuacji medialnej panującej na Węgrzech, gdzie regularnie dochodzi do prawnego i finansowego ograniczania działalności mediów, które nie głoszą prorządowych treści. Podobnie jak w projekcie polskiej ustawy, powołano tam Środkowoeuropejską Fundację Prasy i Mediów (KESMA), która miała wspierać różnorodność mediów na Węgrzech. W rzeczywistości jednak fundacja skupia wyłącznie prorządowe media. W artykule przedstawiono podobieństwa pomiędzy projektem ustawy zaproponowanym przez polityków Prawa i Sprawiedliwości a działalnością KESMA – fundacji powołanej po objęciu władzy przez Viktora Orbána. Zobrazowano również zagrożenie, jakie może stanowić tzw. podatek od mediów w obliczu panującej pandemii COVID-19 dla pluralizmu mediów w Polsce.
PL
W artykule wskazuje się na proces instytucjonalizacji greckiego rynku medialnego. Proces ten zaczął kształtować się po wstąpieniu tego kraju do struktur europejskich, czyli po 1981 r. Sukcesywnie od końca lat 80. XX w. kształtował się on w oparciu o nowe inicjatywy, formy i działania. Jednakże proces ten jeszcze się nie zakończył ze względu na zmiany, do jakich doszło w ostatnim dziesięcioleciu. W tym czasie członkowie Krajowej Rady Radiofonii i Telewizji, ze względów proceduralnych związanych z trybem powoływania tego gremium, nie byli w stanie rozdzielać ani przedłużać koncesji radiowo-telewizyjnych, co wywołało kryzys medialny. Dodatkowo państwo greckie stanęło na krawędzi wypłacalności ze względu na stan jego finansów. Nowy rząd stworzył kolejną instytucję medialną, tym razem Sekretariat Generalny ds. Informacji i Komunikacji, który podlegał bezpośrednio premierowi i miał kontrolować rynek prasowo-radiowo-telewizyjny. Poza instytucjami wiodącymi za grecki rynek mediów odpowiadają także gremia wspomagające. W dużej mierze istniały one (jak ministerstwa czy urzędy centralne typu komisja telekomunikacji i poczty) znacznie wcześniej i do ich kompetencji oddano niektóre uprawnienia medialne, które pomagać miały instytucjom wiodącym w wypełnianiu swoich funkcji. Poza tym obszarem występowały treści upowszechniane w internecie, które znalazły się pod kontrolą specjalnej jednostki powołanej w ramach struktur policyjnych.
EN
The article points to the process of the institutionalization of the Greek media market. This process began to take shape after the country’s accession to the European structures, i.e. after 1981. Successively since the late 1980s, it has been shaped based on new initiatives, forms and activities. However, this process is not yet completed due to the changes that have taken place over the last decade. At that time, the members of the National Broadcasting Council, for procedural reasons related to the mode of appointment to this Council, were unable to grant or renew broadcasting licences, which led to a media crisis. In addition, the Greek state was on the brink of solvency due to the condition of its finances. The new government created another media related institution, this time the General Secretariat for Information and Communication, which reported directly to the Prime Minister, and its aim was to control the press, radio and television market. Apart from the leading institutions, supporting bodies are also responsible for the Greek media market. To a large extent, they (such as ministries or central offices like the Telecommunications and Postal Commission) existed much earlier and some media powers were handed over to them to assist the leading institutions in fulfilling their functions. Outside of this area, there was content disseminated on the Internet, which came under the control of a special unit established within the police structures.
PL
Działalność podmiotów gospodarczych operujących w systemie medialnym społeczeństwa demokratycznego o gospodarce wolnorynkowej podlega licznym determinantom związanym ze złożonością i wielopłaszczyznowością tego systemu oraz celów, jakie przed nimi stoją. Artykuł wskazuje i opisuje okoliczności prawne i organizacyjnoekonomiczne stanowione przez systemy polityczny i ekonomiczny, będące częścią systemu państwowego odpowiedzialnego za ich tworzenie. Sygnalizuje przy tym, że zbyt duża zależność mediów stwarza niebezpieczeństwo utraty przez nie autonomii, koniecznej do wypełnienia podstawowej ich funkcji tworzenia przestrzeni medialnej i informowania społeczeństwa.
EN
Activities of economic entities operating in the media system of a free-market democratic society are subject to numerous determinants associated with the complexity and multi-dimensionality of the system and the goals before them. The article suggests and describes the legal and organizational-economic circumstances constituted bythe political and economic systems which are part of the state system responsible for their creation. It simultaneously indicates the fact that too much dependence on the media creates the danger of losing their autonomy, which is necessary to fulfill their primary function of creating a space for the media and informing society.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono główne cechy oraz ewolucję modeli kontroli i zarządzania mediami publicznymi i państwowymi w wybranych państwach Azji, Afryki, Ameryki Południowej i Europy (Chinach, Japonii, Maroko, RPA, Chile i Austrii) w celu odnalezienia zależności między ustrojem mediów publicznych a systemem społeczno-politycznym. Charakterystyka i próba sklasyfi kowania poszczególnych modeli mediów publicznych opisanych w artykule została dokonana na podstawie klasyfi kacji zaproponowanej przez D.C. Hallina i P. Manciniego.
EN
The article is a comparative media system study. It presents the main characteristics, evolution and models of management and control of public service and state media systems in different countries – China, Japan, Marocco, Republic of South Africa, Chile and Austria. The goal is to fi nd similarities between the public service/ state media and political systems. The classifi cation of public service media systems described in the article is based on conceptual framework defi ned by D.C. Hallin and P. Mancini.
EN
Activities of economic entities operating in the media system of a free-market democratic society are subject to numerous determinants associated with the complexity and multi-dimensionality of the system and the goals before them. The article suggests and describes the legal and organizational-economic circumstances constituted bythe political and economic systems which are part of the state system responsible for their creation. It simultaneously indicates the fact that too much dependence on the media creates the danger of losing their autonomy, which is necessary to fulfill their primary function of creating a space for the media and informing society.
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