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PL
The article focuses on studies and memorials by Roman Knoll concerning international affairs, Polish foreign policy, and national problems, written between March 1939 and April 1944. Assessments of Polish inter-war and wartime foreign policy, contained in those documents, and proposals regarding some of its post–war currents deserve special attention. Numerous theses proposed by Knoll should be regarded as extremely apt. It would be difficult, for instance, to disagree with his opinion about asymmetrical Warsaw–Berlin and Warsaw–Moscow relations, revealing a distinct advantage in favour of the former. Apparently, in the spring of 1939 Knoll, in contrast to other observers, perceived the possibility of a German–Soviet alliance, which at the time posed the greatest threat to Poland.Within Polish eastern policies this outstanding diplomat regarded as essential support for the liberation of nations dominated by Russia and the construction around the latter’s borders of independent national states. He espoused the creation of an independent Ukrainian state, but at the time of the war opposed embarking upon a discussion about “great Ukraine”. In doing so, Knoll stressed that while considering the Lithuanian, Byelorussian or Ukrainians questions Poland should remain concerned predominantly with the integrity of its territory. Even in April 1944, when he admitted to the possibility of Poland accepting concessions concerning the eastern frontier, he treated such a solution as a necessary evil and was well aware of the fact that the Soviet Union remained a hazard to the independence and sovereignty of the Polish Republic.Knoll presented reliable accounts of the wartime situation of the Jewish population on Polish lands and depicted the extermination of the Jews in terrains included into the Third Reich and the territory of the Generalgouvernement. At the same time, he wrote about the Soviet occupant’s better treatment of the Jews than of the Poles and the Ukrainians. In the prevailing situation it was difficult to accept his projects concerning a post-war resettlement of the Jews to a state specially created for them, but the Polish diplomat was by no means the sole politician who at the time wrote and spoke about this issue.
EN
Contrary to popular belief, the relations between the Church and the state following the May coup (1926) were far from good. A particular bone of contention was the issue of teaching and religious education in schools. The article discusses the complex subject of mutual relations in the light of extant documents.
PL
Wbrew powszechnym sądom wzajemne relacje pomiędzy Kościołem i państwem po przewrocie majowym (1926) nie były dobre . Szczególnie źle wyglądały w sprawach nauczania i wychowania religijnego w szkole. Artykuł omawia skomplikowaną kwestie wzajemnych realacji w świetle zachowanych dokumentów.
EN
The article deals with the research of cooperation and political dialogue between the European Parliament and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Parliamentary dialogue holds one of the key places in the system of foreign policy. The paper determines that cooperation with the European Parliament will contribute to enhancement of the institutional capacity of the Verkhovna Rada, quality of the legislative process and legislation, of Ukrainian parliamentarism, extension of communication, and facilitate interaction with the public. Regarding the latest news, it appears that cooperation with the legislative body of the European Union has strengthened and moved to a new format of intercommunication.
EN
The First World War and, towards the end of it, the armed conflict between Poland and Ukraine (1918/1919), as well as the Bolshevik invasion of Poland in 1920 created new challenges not only for the Polish raison d’état but also for the Polish Church. The situation was made even more complicated because of the accumulation of diverse (and frequently opposing) tendencies of various ethnic groups, socio-political doctrines and state-building concepts in the 1920s in Eastern Galicia (Lesser Poland). The phenomena caused considerable friction at the interface of the Polish society, which defended its own interest, and the Ukrainian nation, which hoped to create its own state. Since the stereotype of a Roman Catholic Pole vs. an Orthodox Ukrainian was deeply ingrained back then, obviously the priests and the faithful of both religious denominations became involved in the problems.
PL
Okres I wojny światowej, a u jej końca zbrojny konflikt ukraińsko-polski 1918/1919 oraz inwazja bolszewicka na Polskę 1920 r., stawiały nowe wyzwania nie tylko przed polską racją stanu, ale również przed Kościołem katolickim. Sytuacja była o tyle skomplikowana, że w drugim dziesięcioleciu XX wieku na terenie Galicji (Małopolski) Wschodniej nawarstwiały się wielorakie i najczęściej przeciwstawne tendencje różnych grup etnicznych, doktryn społecznopolitycznych oraz koncepcji państwowo twórczych. Zjawiska te szczególnie ostro występowały na styku interesów społeczeństwa polskiego i żywiącego nadzieję na zbudowanie własnej państwowości narodu ukraińskiego. Ponieważ szczególną żywotność przejawiał wtedy nadal wielowiekowy stereotyp Polak - wyznawca Kościoła rzymskokatolickiego, Ukrainiec - członek Cerkwi Wschodniej, nic więc dziwnego, iż wspomniane problemy siłą rzeczy angażowały pasterzy i wiernych obu tych wspólnot religijnych.
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