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EN
The article presents migration as a threat to international security in the 21st century. The first part presents the problem of people migrating to Europe, including third-country nationals. It is shown that uncontrolled mass migration has forced European countries to provide budget, shelter and counselling for migrants. Furthermore, there were many cases when migration met with disapproval of indigenous people and fear of the impossibility of integrating different cultures and customs. European Union has introduced financial tools to support member countries in financing migration-related problems including the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund; and the Internal Security Fund. The article also mentions the European immigration policy adopted in 1999. The second part of the article refers to negative effects of migration: trafficking in human beings and forced labour. It is shown that they are widely practiced. To eliminate illegal activities, actions, which the author describes, are being taken within Europe. Polish people have also experienced trafficking in human beings and forced labour abroad. Such crimes have been reported within Poland as well. Finally the author states that the security of the European Union is threatened not only by external migrants, but also by citizens who migrate internally.
EN
The article ‘Europe (without) borders? – the future of the Schengen area’, is meant to join the public discourse concerning one of the biggest problems and challenges faced by the member states of the Schengen area in recent years. The aim of this article is to reflect on the future of the ‘Europe without borders’ project in the context of the migration processes that took place in Europe and the surrounding regions after 2015. Descriptive, comparative methods were used along with an analysis of available documents and source materials. In conclusion, the (un)controlled inflow of immigrants to Europe after 2015 clearly indicates that during the crisis, the current system of border protection did not pass the ‘test’ and the necessity of making systemic changes on a common Schengen forum became inevitable. Once again it turned out how true is an African proverb: ‘If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go together’.
EN
Launched in 2010, the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ caused an increased migration of people from both the Middle East and Africa to Europe. In the face of such a large number of refugees, the European Union announced a migration crisis. This crisis has increased the risk factor of road transport along selected European routes. The aim of this publication is to present the impact of immigrant activities on the Calais - United Kingdom route section on the assessment of the risk of cargo transportation in international distribution. The risk assessment was carried out from the point of view of enterprises providing road transport services in international distribution. The research used direct interviews conducted with the managerial staff and drivers in selected road transport companies that handle transport on the route under investigation.
EN
The aim of this paper is to explore the EU response to the migration crisis and the state of play of its implementation. In the first section the author focuses on the first phase of the crisis and describes the EU emergency response to migration flows in 2011 soon after the beginning of the Arab Spring. The next sections examine the key priorities of European Agenda on Migration 2015 and the progress achieved in its implementation so far. The author highlights that the evolution of crisis response after 2015 resembles solutions implemented after the first wave of crisis in 2011, concluding that the EU is still very far from finding a recipe for dealing with future migration challenges. The author also outlines rising divisions between member states on migration strategy, and argues that they may lead to the introduction of a multispeed approach in migration policy.
EN
The migration crisis influenced the internal situation in Sweden to a great extent. Owing to an intensive migrant inflow and a massive submission of asylum applications, the topic of immigration became an integral part of the political discourse. Therefore, a question should be asked, whether intensified migration will cause any visible changes in Sweden, especially in the field of politics and social attitudes towards foreigners. Sweden, until now, has been perceived as a tolerant and open state and society. The aim of the article is to test the hypothesis assuming that there is a correlation between the migration crisis, the radicalisation of the Swedish society and the growing support for the Sweden Democrats, the only anti-immigration political party in Sweden.
EN
The article presents migration as a threat to international security in the 21st century. The first part presents the problem of people migrating to Europe, including third-country nationals. It is shown that uncontrolled mass migration has forced European countries to provide budget, shelter and counselling for migrants. Furthermore, there were many cases when migration met with disapproval of indigenous people and fear of the impossibility of integrating different cultures and customs. European Union has introduced financial tools to support member countries in financing migration-related problems including the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund; and the Internal Security Fund. The article also mentions the European immigration policy adopted in 1999. The second part of the article refers to negative effects of migration: trafficking in human beings and forced labour. It is shown that they are widely practiced. To eliminate illegal activities, actions, which the author describes, are being taken within Europe. Polish people have also experienced trafficking in human beings and forced labour abroad. Such crimes have been reported within Poland as well. Finally the author states that the security of the European Union is threatened not only by external migrants, but also by citizens who migrate internally.
EN
The article presents results of the study carried out in Mońki, which is a town characterized by high intensity of economic emigration. The study was conducted in 2016, during the so-called the migration crisis, i.e. the increased influx of immigrants and refugees to the countries of the European Union. Although the wave of this influx did not reach Poland, but the migration crisis has become an important social issue, especially in the mass media. Our survey shows how being a member of an emigrant sending community affects the attitude towards receiving immigrants and refugees.
EN
The aim of the article is to show the changes in Austria’s position towards EU solutions in the field of migration policy. The text highlights two aspects: on the one hand - the EU migrant relocation program, and on the other - the Austrian presidency of the EU Council. It is also important to discuss the internal determinants of the Austrian government’s actions on the EU forum. The article’s main focus is on the years 2015-2018 (from the increased influx of foreigners to the withdrawal from the EU program of forced relocation), i.e. the period in which there was a clear tendency to change the attitude towards the phenomenon of migration in Austria. The text adopts the thesis that in the time of migration crisis, there was a noticeable tendency in Austria to tighten the course towards immigrants, which was the background for Austria’s activity in the arena of the European Union. The article uses the method of decision analysis, which allows to indicate the causes and effects of political and factor decisions, useful in the identification of factors shaping Austria’s policy, and thus also the conditions for the activity of the Austrian government administration in the EU structures.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyze Polish foreign policy, its nature and instruments of implementation under the migration crisis. The migration issue is in this case the determinant of foreign policy, which verified and actuated Polish external policies in the bilateral relations, as well as in the framework of multilateral cooperation. The migration issue has also become a determinant of European policy of Poland prejudging the extent and mechanisms of Polish involvement in the solution of the migration crisis in European institutions. It should be noted that a different approach to EU policies and its activities to prevent and mitigate the effects of the influx of people on its territory is reflected in the relations between Member States, as exemplified by the Polish-German relations. The migration issue is also reflected in the activities of the Visegrad Group. Fear of the consequences of mass migration into the EU and, above all, opposition to the obligation to accept refugees based on the quota system proposed by the European Commission intensified cooperation within the Visegrad Group. From the Polish foreign policy perspective, the Visegrad Group is seen as an important entity influencing its effects.
EN
Nowadays, migration of people on the territory of the European Union has become one of the factors determining Poland’s foreign policy and determining its bilateral relations due to the scale and dynamics of this phenomenon. Notwithstanding the fact that Poland, unlike other EU Member States directly bearing the costs of mass influx of migrants, is not a target country for migrants, the migration crisis associated with mass influx of people also indirectly affects the Polish reality. Emphasizing the implications of the migration crisis from the point of view of state security consistently strengthens critical opinions in Poland and at the same time determines the reluctance of the Polish society to accept immigrants (mainly from the Middle East and North Africa). The article focuses on the repercussions of the migration crisis from the perspective of Polish-German relations. The basis for this research area is, on the one hand, the role of Germany in the context of the migration crisis and, on the other, the presentation of different positions by Poland and Germany regarding the methods of stopping the inflow of migrants into the EU.
EN
This article presents one of the most salient aspects of the migration crisis in the EU, namely the turbulent management of external borders, and analyzing it in the case of the central region of the Mediterranean Sea. The study is focused on risks and threats to the security of the European Union and its member states, particularly Italy, posed by negative aspects of migratory flows and accompanying phenomena such as migrant smuggling, trafficking in human beings, drug smuggling or document frauds. For this purpose, a concept of ‘extended borderland’ is applied as particularly suitable for analyzing border-security policies and actions undertaken by the European Union. The argument developed in this article is that the Central Mediterranean area has been converted into an extended borderland where conventional systems, methods and tools of border management are superseded by spatial taming created by international actors acting through joint maritime operations.
EN
This paper combines a review of the strategic security of European countries in 2017, and the creation – on the basis of the international scenario method – of short-, medium- and longterm forecasts. The authors address both the nature of armed conflicts (including the so-called ‘frozen conflicts’) and the escalation of terrorist acts. Also, the issue of the immigration crisis has been highlighted as causing both the rise of radical public sentiments and being a ‘source’ of the smuggling of people (including terrorists) and goods (including weapons which are later used in attacks).
EN
The European crisis related to the lack of supranational arrangements and allocation strategies in the EU countries of refugees from the Middle East and Africa has caused considerable concern in most European countries. Also in Poland reported significant changes in the public mood, attitudes involving the growth of animosity and hostility to potential newcomers. It is worth answering the question, what is the specificity of attitudes in this area, as well as: which environments are the decisive centers of aversion towards refugees? The article uses data from the previously completed studies and current issues.
PL
Europejski kryzys związany z brakiem ponadnarodowych uzgodnień i strategii dotyczących alokacji w krajach unijnych uchodźców z Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki wywołał znaczny niepokój w większości krajów europejskich. Także w Polsce odnotowano istotne zmiany nastrojów społecznych, polegające na wzroście postaw niechęci i wrogości wobec potencjalnych przybyszów. Warto odpowiedzieć na pytanie, jaka jest specyfika postaw w tym zakresie, jak również: które środowiska są zdecydowanymi ośrodkami niechęci wobec uchodźców? W artykule wykorzystano dane z dotychczas zrealizowanych i aktualnych analiz zagadnienia.
EN
The purpose of this paper is to verify the hypothesis that bilateral relations with Turkey will be in the near future a fundamental factor for the security of the European Union, especially in the context of the migration crisis that the European Union has been facing since 2014. Although the escalation of influx of migrants and refugees is a serious challenge both for Turkey and the EU, the final destination for hundreds of thousands of people coming from North Africa and Middle East is indeed the European Union, which naturally makes it more interested in stopping the uncontrolled stream of irregular migrants. But it is Turkey who holds the key to solving the problem, as its territory is one the most popular trails to Europe. Turkish authorities being aware of their own significance play a well thought-out diplomatic game focused on strengthening Turkey’s position towards the EU which has until today treated Turkey as an eternal candidate to membership, ready to implement ever far-reaching requirements in return for a hazy vision of future accession. The migration crisis and related risk of deep destabilization of the whole EU seems to have become a factor of change of Turkey’s position from a petitioner to a decision-maker with actual impact on European security. In order to verify this hypothesis the following methods have been applied in the research: examination of documents, institutional-legal analysis and analysis of the decision-making process. Moreover, to ensure that the analysis is comprehensive, both English and Turkish language sources have been examined.
EN
In the history of the European Union (EU) the first decades of the 21st century were an exceptional time. One of the greatest successes of subsequent generations, which set the tone and direction of the Community policy, and later the EU, was the creation of a single internal market in the EU territory until the end of 1992, with four economic freedoms. In this context, it is impossible not to mention the successful implementation of the EU project ‘Europe without borders’, of which the so-called Schengen zone is a vivid reflection. The purpose of this article is to try to answer the question concerning the present and the future of this project. Therefore, the analysis and assessment will be made of the functioning of the Schengen area before and after the migration crisis that erupted in Europe, and then the possible scenarios of its development will be discussed. This seems justified due to the fact that today we still anxiously observe how the 2015+ migration crisis is changing the EU, causing waves of doubt about the ideas and values that guided the founding fathers of the European Communities from the beginning and later accompanied other leading European politicians on the road to achieve full integration within the EU.
EN
The aim of this article is to determine the impact of the migration crisis on integration of the Republic of Serbia with the European Union. Since 2015, Western Balkans have been affected by migratory pressure which has significantly shaped the relations between the countries of this region and the EU. In light of this research problem, the author formulates a hypothesis that increased migratory flows in Serbia can serve as an opportunity in further efforts by Serbian authorities to join the European Union. In pursuing this research objective the main existing challenges on Serbia's path to membership in European structures are analysed. The author presents the process of building the EU migration and asylum policy, as well as the development of Serbian institutional and legal instruments in the field of migration, with particular emphasis on the stage of including the European acquis into the national legal framework. The analysis of the immigration phenomenon in Serbia in the context of the migration crisis and the solutions introduced by local and European authorities are followed by an attempt to assess and predict whether the circumstances dictated by the migration crisis will contribute to or hamper Serbia's further accession processes with the European Union. In the course of work on the article, methods and techniques characteristic of political sciences are used, including document analysis and quantitative data analysis. The results of the conducted research indicate that the migration crisis contributes to the strengthening of Serbia's position in further negotiations with the EU.
EN
Considering the complex nature of the migration, the article focuses on the problem of perception of the crisis from the point of view of the Western Balkans, and above all on the implications of the migration crisis for the countries of the area. The article is not intended to be a holistic analysis of the migration issue. It concentrates only on selected aspects perceived as significant. The implications of the migration crisis for Western Balkan states should be considered at several levels. First of all, the implications of the migration crisis at the level of individual states should be taken into account, even in the context of their security. The second level of analysis is the bilateral relations of the countries of the Western Balkans and the implications of the crisis for their character and dynamics. The third is the regional cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans. The fourth is the EU-Western Balkan relations. The migration crisis from the perspective of Western Balkan states prompts a number of conclusions. First of all, the impact of the migration crisis on individual countries in the region is varied. Secondly, the migration crisis has highlighted the shortcomings of the region’s cooperation, emphasizing differences in positions and attitudes in the context of coping with the aftermath of the crisis. Thirdly, none of the countries of the region is a destination for immigrants but a transit state on their way to more prosperous Western countries. Fourthly, the migration crisis can have a dynamic impact on the process of integration with the EU subject to the fulfillment of formal requirements by aspiring states.
PL
Uwzględniając złożony charakter migracji, artykuł koncentruje się na problemie percepcji kryzysu z punktu widzenia Bałkanów Zachodnich, a przede wszystkim na wskazaniu implikacji kryzysu migracyjnego dla państw tego obszaru. Artykuł nie ma na celu całościowej analizy problemu migracji, koncentruje się jedynie na wybranych kwestiach postrzeganych jako istotne. Implikacje kryzysu migracyjnego dla państw zachodniobałkańskich należy rozpatrywać na kilku poziomach. Po pierwsze, należy mieć na uwadze konsekwencje, jakie wywołuje kryzys migracyjny na poziomie poszczególnych państw, chociażby w kontekście ich bezpieczeństwa. Drugi poziom analizy, to relacje dwustronne i implikacje kryzysu dla ich charakteru i dynamiki. Trzeci, to współpraca regionalna państw Bałkanów Zachodnich. Czwarty zaś, to relacje UE – państwa Bałkanów Zachodnich. Kryzys migracyjny z perspektywy państw Bałkanów Zachodnich skłania do sformułowania kilku wniosków. Po pierwsze, oddziaływanie kryzysu migracyjnego na poszczególne państwa w regionie jest zróżnicowany. Po drugie, kryzys migracyjny uwypuklił mankamenty dotychczasowej współpracy państw regionu, akcentując różnice stanowisk i postaw w kontekście sposobów radzenia sobie z następstwami kryzysu. Po trzecie, żadne z państw regionu nie stanowi punktu docelowego dla imigrantów, a jedynie państwo tranzytowe w ich drodze do zasobniejszych państw zachodnich. Po czwarte, kryzys migracyjny może mieć dynamizujący wpływ na proces integracji z UE z zastrzeżeniem wypełniania przez państwa aspirujące wymogów formalnych.
EN
The Visegrad Group (V4) was formed with the aim to support Central European countries – Poland, Czechoslovakia (since 1993 the Czech Republic and Slovakia) and Hungary in their efforts to join NATO and the European Communities. V4 had to redefine its role and tasks after 2004 having achieved the set objectives in the first years of its existence. The new format of the Visegrad Group made provisions for a close cooperation between member states within the European Union. The strategy of combining potentials of the V4 states in negotiations on the EU level is based on reasonable assumptions, as it may lead to an increased significance of the region in the decision-making process. The article discusses the genesis and evolution of the V4 up to 2004. Next there is presented Visegrad cooperation in the field of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU. The text analysis specific issues projecting the safety of Europe in recent years. The analysis of the commitment of V4 in the shaping of the EU CFSP will be based on source materials, mainly on documents produced by the authorities of the Visegrad Group such as presidency programmes, statements, declarations and annual reports.
EN
Migration crisis showed the division of EU Member States and thus a lack of solidarity in tackling the problem of immigration. The analysis in this article focuses on presenting the approach of EU Member States to the idea of solidarity in the face of the migration crisis. Joint decisions taken at EU level on the issue of relocation of persons in need of international protection and implementation of those decisions are discussed. According to the author of the article realization of the principle of solidarity of the EU in the face of migration crisis is not observed.
PL
In the article, an attempt to characterize migration movements observed in the beginning of the second decade of the XXI century is made. The aim is to present challenges and threats for security o f the EU region and member states, caused by massive migration flows. A debate within the European Union on possible solutions of the problem is analyzed. Differences in the approach to the migration crisis are taken into account, motivated on one hand by the desire to guarantee protection to refugees and persons in a refugee-like situation, on the other - to preserve security of EU citizens, member states and the organization.
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