A minimalist analysis of island conditions and bridge requirements on wh-movement in English is proposed. It has been traditionally assumed within the generative framework that wh-movement is impossible or degraded across a range of structurally analysable configurations (islands) and acceptable elsewhere (bridges). Structures meeting the configurational requirements but nevertheless having a degraded grammaticality status (non-bridge constructions) were, not rightly, banished from the scope of syntactic research proper. With the advent of minimalism, a syntactic account of non-bridge constructions can be achieved. The paper employs and modifies ideas from, among others, Chomsky (1998 and 1999), Uriagereka (1999), and Franks (2000) to show that the time of merging of a given constituent is crucial for its islandhood. Thanks to a minimalist perspective taken here, unification of bridge and island conditions seems possible. Also, a reinvestigation of Erteschik's (1973) verb typology is offered with an interim conclusion that that factivity of verbs with complement clauses is a decisive factor for their island status.
Latin nonfinite structures with nonovert subjects exhibit puzzling properties with regard to the case- and ϕ-features of their subjects and their relationship to overt NPs in matrix clauses. While the transmission of case- and ϕ-feature related properties is obligatory when there is a nominative or accusative controller NP, it is only ϕ-feature transmission that remains obligatory when there is a dative controller, case transmission being apparently optional. To avoid an assumption of syntactic optionality, accounts of the phenomenon which rely on syntactic mechanisms propose that the apparent optionality reflects a syntactic difference between two types of nonfinite structures. It is instead proposed that mechanisms of linking of objects via Agree and ϕ-feature and case transmission should be assigned to different components of the grammar, syntax and morphology. The hypothesis allows a unified treatment of the syntactic phenomenon of control in Latin.
Recent minimalist framework reduces computational requirements of syntactic derivations by postulating that they proceed in a strictly Markovian fashion. This move opens a new way to analyze control structures of natural languages. Taking Latin control structures as a test case, the paper compares three alternative minimalist analyses of the phenomenon of control in order to assess their empirical adequacy and theoretical commitments. It is concluded that a Markovian account is superior to its alternatives on general conceptual grounds.
PL
Najnowsze propozycje teoretyczne w ramach minimalizmu redukują wymagania zasobów obliczeniowych w procesie derywacji przez postulowanie ich markowskiego charakteru. W wyniku takiego posunięcia otwierają się nowe możliwości analizy zjawiska kontroli w językach naturalnych. Na podstawie zjawiska kontroli w języku łacińskim jako materiale empirycznym artykuł porównuje trzy minimalistyczne analizy takich struktur w celu oceny ich adekwatności empirycznej i zobowiązań teoretycznych. Porównanie prowadzi do wniosku, że choć wszystkie rozwiązania wykazują ten sam poziom adekwatności empirycznej, hipoteza markowskiego charakteru derywacji jest z teoretycznego punktu widzenia najtrafniejsza.
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