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EN
The study examines the parameter of Mean Length of Utterance (MLU), measured both in morphemes (MLUm) and words (MLUw), in early language development in the case of two English children matched for age. The MLU scores of a normally developing child were compared to the MLU results of a language-impaired child in a longitudinal study. Moreover, the reliability of the MLU index measured in words was also tested in both children. The MLU analysis was based on the CHILDES database and CLAN programme, where the transcripts of spontaneous speech samples are used to calculate basic language parameters at different age-points. The findings of this study indicate that despite the expected delay, the language-impaired child followed a similar route of language development as the control child. However, significant differences between MLUw and MLUm confirmed that the parameters performed two different linguistic analyses.
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EN
Towards an operational word formationIn this article the selected theoretical and practical problems associated with placing the word formation in the model of operational grammar (by Andrzej Bogusławski) are discussed. The aim of the paper is to prepare the ground for a possible description of morpheme units of language in this model. The proposed way to enter word formation in the model is to divide it into operational and etymological word formation.
EN
Based on Polish and French vocabulary, this paper proposes criteria which shall make it possible to diHerentiate between prefixoids and prefixes. Uere are three such criteria: 1. prefixoids have the capacity to become autonomous (and even to become bases in word formation), and are impossible to substitute in their semantic representation by native prefixes, or to be expanded into full lexemes; 2. lexemes are created together with sufixoids, showing that neither of them are just afixes; 3. in some cases, the position of sufixoids can vary with regard to the lexical element which co-forms the compound lexeme. It is for these reasons that these elements deserve their own place in the morphological description of, at least, Polish and French.
EN
The text is a complementation of a reflexion on the evolution of Polish adjectives with emphasis put on intermorphs. The issue seems important for the conclusion of the morphological construction of contemporary lexemes. The following issues guided the choice of intermorphs: 1/ It sometimes happens that an intermorph is an innovation in the time span from Old Polish to later ages, while the sources of this innovation have common points. Should intermorphs be divided on a basis of series in every case? The problem has been examined on an example of intermorphs -al-, -ar- before the suffix -ny. 2/ How much should historical conditions decide on a division of modern lexemes into morphemes? The issue is being examined in an assessment of the status -l- in the suffix -liwy. We hope that both the synchronic and diachronic approach to language will be included in the works on the Polish Morpheme dictionary (Author’s postulate).
EN
This article deals with the Czech reflexive form se and its categorization from both diachronic and synchronic perspectives. It is argued that in Old Czech, the reflexive was clearly a pronoun because it could be used in a number of contexts that are indicative of its having a syntactic function, e.g. in the context of coordination. Since then, however, the reflexive se has been gradually losing its pronominal nature, being replaced in pronominal contexts by the (originally genitive) form sebe. This process has not been completed yet, hence in contemporary Czech, the reflexive has both pronominal features and features of a morpheme/particle. It thus cannot be discretely categorized; such a categorization would be an inadequate oversimplification because it would necessarily ignore some of the features of the reflexive. Therefore, instead of asking whether the form se is a pronoun or a morpheme/particle in contemporary Czech, I try to answer the question of what pronominal and what non-pronominal features it has.
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K slovotvorné funkci reflexivních morfémů se, si

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EN
The paper assumes the premise that the reflexive elements se, si that form the so-called proper reflexive verbs have the status of derivational morphemes. The aim of the paper is to describe the consequences of the adoption of the given premise for the interpretation of various types of reflexive verbs. It can be assumed that different groups of reflexive verbs represent derivational types which are distinctive and clearly defined to varying degrees. The more obviously the reflexive verb and the non-reflexive verb differ in terms of (a) semantic valency, (b) syntactic and semantic transitivity, the more distinctive the derivational function of the reflexive morpheme is. A distinctive, easy to define derivational type is represented by reflexive verbs (derived from transitive verbs) which are both syntactically and semantically intransitive (verbs of the type hnát se, rozbít se). A less distinctive derivational type comprises verbs which are syntactically intransitive but retain a certain degree of semantic transitivity (proper reflexive verbs formed with the morpheme se). The least distinctive derivational type is represented by verbs which are transitive in both the syntactic and semantic senses (some types of reflexive verbs formed with morpheme si).
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