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EN
The article analyses the contents of the Museum and Memorial Complex of Political Repressions and Totalitarianism Victims on the former Akmolinsky Camp for Wives of the Traitors of the Motherland (Akmolińskij łagierżon izmiennikow Rodiny, ALZhiR). The author describes and scrutinizes the functioning of the museum “ALZhIR” in the context of internal and external politics of the Kazakhstan state conducted by president Nursultan Nazarbayev and his allies. The museum not only introduces the camp reality but also highlights the support given to the Kazakh state and Kazakh nation. The author focuses on the analysis of those aspects of the museum content that present the national ideology, which main ideas are a glorification of Kazakh history, culture and humanitarianism (i.e. fundamental requirement of giving aid to the people in need).
EN
The break-up of the former Yugoslavia resulted in the establishment of seven states with manifestly different citizenship regimes. Relating the politics of citizenship to the dominant nation-building projects, this paper argues that in the post-Yugoslav countries in which nation-building projects are consolidated (Croatia, Slovenia and Serbia) citizenship regimes converge around ethnic inclusiveness, while in those where nation building is contested (Macedonia and Montenegro) territorial rather than ethnic attachments are articulated in citizenship policies. In the case of Kosovo, and to a certain degree Bosnia and Herzegovina, policies emphasise territory due to international involvement in the shaping of their citizenship regimes. Even though all of these states have adopted ius sanguinis as the main mechanism of citizenship attribution at birth, the different approaches to naturalisation and dual citizenship indicate that the politics of citizenship are inextricably linked to the questions of nation building and statehood. To explore these issues, the paper first outlines the main traits of citizenship policies in contested and consolidated states. It proceeds by looking at different naturalisation requirements in the two groups of states. It argues that extension to ethnic kin occurs only in countries in which statehood and nation building are consolidated, where it serves to project an image of national unity. In states that are challenged by several competing nation-building projects, citizenship attribution through ethnic kinship is impossible due to lack of internal unity. The paper also analyses approaches to dual citizenship, identifying patterns of openness and restrictiveness. By doing so, it links the politics of citizenship to the interaction of foreign policy mechanisms in post-Yugoslav countries and identifies the points where these regimes overlap or conflict with each other.
EN
The paper expands upon the role of the Czech national movement and the Czech nation or Czech cultural situation in the Kashubian patrioticdiscourse from the first half of the 19th century until the First World War. It focuses primarily on the period in which it had a direct influence on the „initiation“ of the Kashubian patriotic campaign when the founder of the Kashubian movement, Florian Ceynowa, was studying under Czech professors (J. E. Purkyně, F. L. Čelakovský) in Wroclaw (in the 1840s), as well as on Ceynowa’s subsequent contacts with other members of the Czech national movement until the 1860s. Afterwards, the Kashubian campaign paused in its reflection of the Czech movement. The paper thus then concentrates on the next phase of reflection beginning in the early 20th century, especially in the context of the Young Kashubian program (A. Majkowski, J. Karnowski, K. Kantak). Appreciable ambivalences appear: the Czech movement, and Czechs in general, on the one hand was a paradigmatic example of the successful formation of a modern nation by a formerly non-dominant ethnic group as well as of dynamic social, cultural, and economic development, but on the other hand criticisms of the Czech mentality and Czech political strategies were voiced.
EN
This paper presents a comparative analysis of caricatures published in Hungarian (Üstökös, Borsszem Jankó), and Slovak (Černokňažník) comic papers in the second half of the 19th century (the analysed volumes are: 1874, 1895–1902). The aim of the analysis is to picture the stereotypes and the ways of depiction of the non-Hungarian national minority groups in caricatures by Hungarians and conversely, the depictions of Hungarians and the prejudices in Slovak caricatures. The author is also interested in autostereotypes that enables to observe the differences between the visual methods of the representation of the “Other” and of the “We” group. Furthermore, the author examines the changes of national stereotypes — paralleling the strengthening of nationalism — during the decades. As the results show, the stereotypes in the comic papers and humorous or ironic images of the “Self” and the “Other” may be connected to the nation building process and the process of shaping “enemies”.
EN
For most of the former European colonies of South and Southeast Asia, the end of the Second World War was also the beginning of the end of colonial rule. With independence came the challenge of unifying disparate ethnic, religious and linguistic communities into cohesive nations– a challenge that some countries met more successfully than others. The price of failure could be high – hundreds of thousands were killed, and many millions displaced in 1947, as inter-communal conflicts tore British India apart. Indonesia declared independence in 1945 (a declaration not recognised by the country’s Dutch colonial rulers until 1949), while Burma (as Myanmar was then known) was granted independence by Britain in 1948. Both countries were able to avoid tragedies on the scale of the Indian Partition. Nevertheless, nation-building has been a difficult and as yet uncompleted process, the source of continuing challenges tonational security. This article looks at the situation in the two countries, traces the origins of some of the current problems, and attempts to explain why Indonesia has generally been more successful in this respect than Myanmar, despite the similarities in the initial situations of the two countries.
Werkwinkel
|
2015
|
vol. 10
|
issue 1
115-130
EN
In this ongoing research we are going to have a look at the starting point for the burgeoning national feelings with two smaller nations: the Slovak and the Flemish national movement. Building on the methodological framework of nationalism researcher Miroslav Hroch, one can discern a threefold stage - model in the national movements of the smaller nations in Europe, which is a thesis still needing more empirical evidence. This article attempts to compare at least one aspect of early nineteenth-century nation - building: How were the literary societies functioning in both national movements? We are working in a time scope of the first half of the 19th century and ask ourselves the questions: until which extend reached literary societies? What was their impact? Which people were their readers, their public? Was their language, and their language-spreading aim representative for the whole nation? What similarities and differences can be found in Flanders and Slovakia in this field? Important support can be obtained from the NISE - network, which attempts to create a database on a European scale in order to stimulate and optimize comparative and transnational research on nation building.
EN
The article analyses a special portrayal of the relationship between Merlin and Nimiane in the English fifteenth-century Prose Merlin. The power couple escape from their previously distinct and sometimes morally dubious renditions to perform a new function that serves the nation-building of a reviving civilization. The political and religious inclinations of the anonymous author are visible in Merlin and Nimiane’s almost impeccable conduct towards their sovereigns, God, and themselves. The article analyses the unique presentation of the two in the light of the political and social circumstances of the waning of the Middle Ages in Britain and contrasts them with a brief discussion of other medieval portrayals of the couple.
EN
Dr Gustaaf Schamelhout – a French-speaking Fleming who, after having read De Leeuw van Vlaanderen, embraced his Flemish identity and developed a fascination for the question of nationality – published in 1930 an extensive three-volume study entitled De Volkeren van Europa en de strijd der nationaliteiten (The nations of Europe and the struggle of nationalities). In this solid, well-founded work, Schamelhout examines the friction points between European nationalities and attempts to present solutions for their peaceful coexistence. The tenth anniversary of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes offers him the opportunity to analyse thoroughly this multifaceted state, to demonstrate its weaknesses and to propose solutions. His motivation is a personal one: every nationality problem leads to comparisons and offers him a parallel to the situation in Belgium. After all, the position of the Flemings within the Belgian state has been the starting point of his scientific interest. The benevolent optimism that Schamelhout displayed towards the future of Yugoslavia was put to shame by its violent collapse. Whether his recipe of far-reaching federalisation will prove successful in the case of Belgium remains to be seen.
EN
This article examines the correspondence between the Austrian author Hermann Bahr and the Czech dramaturge, author and politician Jaroslav Kvapil. It focuses on the years during World War I and the increasingly divergent interests of these two figures. While Bahr is concerned with renewing Austria, Kvapil is engaged in nation building in the newly forming Czechoslovakia.
Pamiętnik Literacki
|
2020
|
vol. 111
|
issue 3
193-204
PL
W recenzji omówiono książkę Macieja Junkierta „Nowi Grecy. Historyzm polskich romantyków wobec narodzin Altertumswissenschaft” (2017), poświęconą postrzeganiu niemieckiej filologii klasycznej i grekomanii przez Gotfryda Ernesta Groddecka, Joachima Lelewela i Adama Mickiewicza. Przeprowadzone w ostatnich latach badania nad recepcją starożytności w polskim romantyzmie dowiodły, że paradygmat rzymski – latinitas jako system symboliczny – skompromitował się w wyniku klęski I Rzeczypospolitej i że na początku XIX stulecia doszło na polskim gruncie do „zwrotu hellenistycznego”. Śledząc ten zwrot w oryginalnych pracach niemieckiej Altertumswissenschaft, Junkiert zwraca uwagę na to, że polski historyzm charakteryzował się głęboką ambiwalencją: grecki mit był już zajęty przez (pruskich) kolonizatorów, a polscy „nowi Grecy” musieli się zmagać z niemieckim pochodzeniem swojej tożsamości symbolicznej. Książka znakomicie pokazuje splot nacjonalizmu i historyzmu na przykładzie polskiego romantyzmu uniwersyteckiego. Dzięki wnikliwemu badaniu intertekstualności filologicznej – jak można określić podejście autora – wyróżnia się także nowatorstwem metodologicznym, wysoce obiecującym dla badań polonistycznych z pogranicza filologii i historii intelektualnej.
EN
This review discusses Maciej Junkiert’s book “Nowi Grecy. Historyzm polskich romantyków wobec narodzin Altertumswissenschaft” (“The New Greeks: Historicism of Polish Romantics in the Face of the Birth of Altertumswissenschaft”, 2017) on Gotfryd Ernest Groddeck’s, Joachim Lelewel’s, and Adam Mickiewicz’s reception of German classicism and philhellenism. Recent research into the reception of antiquity within Polish Romanticism has shown how the Roman paradigm—the symbolic system of latinitas—collapsed in the wake of the Partitions of Poland and how, from around 1800 onwards, a “Hellenistic turn” took place in Polish culture. Tracing this turn back to the original works of German Altertumswissenschaft, Junkiert argues, however, that Polish historicism was characterized by a deep ambivalence: the Greek myth had already been adopted by the Prussian colonizers and the Polish “new Greeks” had to struggle with the German origin of their new symbolic identity. This book compellingly shows the intertwinement of nationalism and historicism as exemplified by the case of the Polish “academic Romanticism.” Because of careful readings in philological intertextuality—as Junkiert’s outlook might be labelled—this study provides a methodologically innovative contribution to a practice of Polish studies between philology and intellectual history.
EN
In the article I analyse, using a specific example from 1830, the identity-shaping perception of the mountains as a border at a time of Czech national agitation. Drawing on the memoirs of a young Prague law student, Václav Vladivoj Tomek, later an eminent Czech historian, I present perception categories he used to reflect on the differences between societies and cultures along the Czech-Silesian (Austrian-Prussian) border and to discuss their links with the landscape. This is placed, on the one hand, in the context of the agitation phase of the Czech national movement in its early period, and on the other in the context of individual and collective processes of identification of a young man at a key stage of his personal development. Tomek expressed his observations in the language of cultural, social and confessional diversity. In this he focused on the quality of life, architecture, faith (with a tendency to exoticise Protestantism) and partly also historical culture in Prussia. Significantly, there are no comments concerning the problem of the mismatch, so important in later years, between the state and the language border: the transition between predominantly Czech-speaking and predominantly German-speaking regions near the state border (in this case the Broumov region) is not even mentioned. The crossing of the border as a practice is not referred to either; the border is seen as a point, what is mentioned in its crossing are only state symbols. Although strong emotions are visible, the now nationally aware Tomek does not allude to national emotions (state border), but to a Romantic view of the landscape accompanied by a fascination, typical of the period, with what is picturesque and extraordinary in the mountains, rocks, sights and traces of the past found in the mountains.
PL
Artykuł zajmuje się skomplikowaną relacją pomiędzy językiem, narodem i tożsamością w węgierskiej epoce reform (1825-1848). Tematem jest krajobraz literacki w Peszcie-Budzie w pierwszej połowie XIX w.: popularna w tym czasie w królestwie węgierskim koncepcja o ‚Natio Hungarica’ a także losy autorów, którzy mieli tożsamość zwaną ‚Hungarus’, ale jako pisarze nie chcieli lub nie potrafili pisać po węgiersku. Jako przykład służy hrabia Johann Mailáth (1786-1855), pośrednik między narodami, między Pesztem-Budą i Wiedniem, zwolennik idei patriotyzmu państwowego, jak rozumiał go Hormayr.
EN
The article examines the gradual development of a complex relationship between language, nation and identity in the Hungarian Reform Era. It presents the literary landscape of Pest-Buda in the first half of the 19th century; the concept of ‘Natio Hungarica‘ circulating in the Kingdom of Hungary at the time; and the fate of those authors who professed to be Hungarians, but did not wish to, or could not, use Hungarian as literary language. The work of Count Johann Mailáth (1786-1855) – a transnational mediator between Pest-Buda and Vienna, supporter of state patriotism as Hormayr understood it – serves as an example.
DE
Der vorliegende Beitrag widmet sich der Frage, wie sich das komplizierte Verhältnis von Sprache, Nation und Identität im ungarischen Reformzeitalter entwickelte. Dargestellt werden die Pest-Budaer Literaturlandschaft in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, die zu dieser Zeit im Königreich Ungarn kursierenden Auffassungen über die ‚Natio Hungarica‘ sowie das Schicksal jener Autor*innen, die sich trotz ihrer deutschen Muttersprache als Hungarus bekannten, aber die sich als Schriftsteller*innen nicht des Ungarischen bedienen wollten oder konnten. Als Beispiel dient Graf Johann Mailáth (1786-1855), eine transnationale Vermittlerfigur zwischen Pest-Buda und Wien und Anhänger der Idee des Staatspatriotismus im Sinne Hormayrs.
EN
In the article I analyse, using a specific example from 1830, the identity-shaping perception of the mountains as a border at a time of Czech national agitation. Drawing on the memoirs of a young Prague law student, Václav Vladivoj Tomek, later an eminent Czech historian, I present perception categories he used to reflect on the differences between societies and cultures along the Czech-Silesian (Austrian-Prussian) border and to discuss their links with the landscape. This is placed, on the one hand, in the context of the agitation phase of the Czech national movement in its early period, and on the other in the context of individual and collective processes of identification of a young man at a key stage of his personal development. Tomek expressed his observations in the language of cultural, social and confessional diversity. In this he focused on the quality of life, architecture, faith (with a tendency to exoticise Protestantism) and partly also historical culture in Prussia. Significantly, there are no comments concerning the problem of the mismatch, so important in later years, between the state and the language border: the transition between predominantly Czech-speaking and predominantly German-speaking regions near the state border (in this case the Broumov region) is not even mentioned. The crossing of the border as a practice is not referred to either; the border is seen as a point, what is mentioned in its crossing are only state symbols. Although strong emotions are visible, the now nationally aware Tomek does not allude to national emotions (state border), but to a Romantic view of the landscape accompanied by a fascination, typical of the period, with what is picturesque and extraordinary in the mountains, rocks, sights and traces of the past found in the mountains.
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