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EN
Continuity and Discontinuity in the Cultural Landscape of the Capital City: Paris and SkopjeThe object of my reflections in this article is the question of creating a vision of historical continuity, and thus making significant the narratives about the past, in the space of the city. I treat the city as a cultural landscape par excellence; it is precisely the city that creates the best opportunities of influencing interpretation by means of creating a specific set of symbolic references and of images awakening the play of interpretation. The city is inhabited by many individuals and varied groups, which forces it into negotiations of signification. The research present herein concerns the capital cities. The capital of a nation state is a specific city, normally defined by its very legal status as capital, recognized and regulated by special edict, it is also a symbolic space of particular weight, a place to demonstrate the power of the state and of the nation, to display and consolidate identity, to present one’s image to outsiders and mould a desired self-image for the benefit of the citizens – members of one’s group. Drawing on the example of Paris and Skopje, two cities whose historical contexts are considerably different, I would like to show the specific ways of drawing conclusions adapted to the urban landscape, because despite the obvious differences, both cities allow for the discernment of a historical period in which the city itself served as an important element of the public realm and as symbolic public property. The increased significance of cities in Europe is connected without a doubt to the process of democratization, thus the capitals of France and Macedonia are good examples of the transformation that converted a privatized (feudal) space or a space interpreted along sacred lines (as land belonging to God) into a public space and public property of citizens, and/or the dominant nation.It appears that the most important agent in the capital landscape is the state. It is the bureaucracy of the state, appearing in the role of executor of the national will, deciding on the shape of the image of the city, reinforcing those values that seem to be desirable from the perspective of the represented group. The lack of that factor leads, as in the case of Skopje, to the preservation of the local past and/or to a haphazardly implemented publicly sponsored construction. In both cases discussed above, the map and the landmarks mirror the most important categories of national narrative. The shape of this narrative depends largely upon the central authorities of the nation.Ciągłość i nieciągłość w przestrzeni miasta stołecznego: Paryż i SkopjePrzedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest zagadnienie tworzenia wizji ciągłości dziejowej, a więc usensowionej narracji o przeszłości, w przestrzeni miasta. Miasto bowiem jawi się jako przestrzeń kulturowa par excellence i ono właśnie stwarza najlepsze możliwości wpływu na interpretację poprzez tworzenie specyficznego układu odniesień symbolicznych i obrazów, pobudzających grę interpretacji. Miasto zamieszkiwane jest przez wiele jednostek i różnorakich grup, co zmusza je do negocjacji znaczeń. Przedmiotem przedstawionych tu badań są stolice. Stolica państwa to bowiem miasto szczególne, co zazwyczaj podkreśla sam status prawny ośrodka stołecznego regulowany przez specjalną ustawę, staje się niezwykle ważną przestrzenią symboliczną, miejscem pokazu państwowej i narodowej siły, eksponowania i utwierdzania tożsamości, prezentowania wizerunku obcym oraz kształtowania pożądanego wizerunku na użytek obywateli – członków swojej grupy. Na przykładzie Paryża i Skopja, miast o odmiennej kontekstowo historii, chciałbym pokazać specyficzne dla przestrzeni miejskiej sposoby indukowania interpretacji, albowiem mimo oczywistych różnic oba miasta pozwalają dostrzec historyczny okres, w którym samo miasto stało się istotnym składnikiem sfery publicznej i publicznej własności symbolicznej. Wzrost znaczenia miast w Europie wiąże się bez wątpienia z procesem demokratyzacji, zaś stolice Francji i Macedonii są dobrym przykładem tej przemiany, która przestrzeń sprywatyzowaną (feudalną) bądź interpretowaną w wymiarze sakralnym (jako ziemia należąca do Boga) przekształciła w przestrzeń publiczną, będącą dobrem wspólnym obywateli i/lub dominującego narodu.Najważniejszym agensem w przestrzeni stołecznej okazuje się państwo. To biurokracja państwowa, występująca w charakterze nosiciela woli narodu, decyduje o kształtowaniu wizerunku miasta, wzmacniając te wartości, które wydają się pożądane z perspektywy reprezentowanej grupy. Brak tego czynnika skutkuje, jak w przypadku Skopje, zachowaniem lokalności i/lub przypadkowością realizowanych inwestycji publicznych. W obu omawianych przypadkach mapa i punkty orientacyjne zdradzają najważniejsze kategorie narracji narodowej, a przecież za jej kształt w znacznym stopniu odpowiada właśnie władza centralna.
EN
Oskar Loorits (1900–1961) was a versatile researcher who in international folkloristics was mainly known for his religious studies. He developed an interest in folk belief in his student days at the University of Tartu, where he had a chance to participate in an expedition and record Livonian folklore. Already in 1926 Loorits defended his doctoral thesis on Livonian folk belief. He also became one of the advocates for the cultural identity of the small Livonian nation. On Loorits’s initiative the Estonian Folklore Archives were established, which assembled older folkloric collections; also, the managing system was created and collections were supplemented. By the beginning of World War II, it was an internationally known and smoothly operating institution. Loorits left for Sweden and continued work in exile. The majority of Loorits’s research uses comparative-historical methods, in comparison with the folkloric material of the peoples of the world. Most of his research was published in German: Livische Märchen und Sagenvarianten (1926), Der norddeutsche Klabautermann in Otsbaltikum (1931), Pharaos Heer in der Volksüberlieferung I (1935), Gedanken-, Tat- und Worttabu bei den estnischen Fischern (1939), etc. Some of the most renowned works, which have also received criticism, are, for example, Eesti rahvausundi maailmavaade (Estnische Volksdichtung und Mythologie (1932)) and Grundzüge der estnischen Volksglaubens, which was compiled in Sweden in 1943–1960. As a personality, Loorits was impulsive in expressing his ideas, as well as articulate and remarkably persuasive. These features characterize his cultural and socio-political journalistic works. As a national ideologist, Loorits was interested in defining the ancient worldview of Estonians and Finno-Ugric peoples, yet idealized the centuries-long tenacity of the principle of animistic equality. It is not surprising that his ideas about Estonians as a nature nation gave rise to debates and are also under discussion today in connection with the problems of the sense of identity, environmental protection and nature conservation.
PL
Recenzowane prace są znakomitymi przykładami popularyzacji historii, opartej na aktualnych badaniach naukowych, jednak nie udaje im się uwolnić od ograniczeń wynikających z normatywnych schematów interpretacji procesów narodo- i imperiotwórczych. Należy je czytać przede wszystkim jako polemiczne interwencje osadzone w kontekście toczącego się konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego.
EN
The works under review here are impressive examples of popular history informed by cutting-edge academic research, yet they fail to overcome the limitations resulting from acceptance of normative schemes of nation and empire building. They should be read, first and foremost, as polemical interventions that cannot be separated from the political context of the present Russo-Ukrainian conflict.
PL
Artykuł porównuje główne aspekty Duginowskiego neoeurazjatyzmu z treścią dwóch ważnych tekstów opublikowanych w 2021 roku: artykułu Putina O historycznej jedności Rosjan i Ukraińców oraz nowej Strategii bezpieczeństwa narodowego FR. Teksty te można rozumieć jako część ideologicznego przygotowania do wojny przeciwko Ukrainie w 2022 roku. Obecność w nich elementów rosyjskiej ideologii nacjonalistycznej umożliwi odpowiedź na pytanie, czy neoeurazjatycka ideologia jest rzeczywistą podstawą rosyjskiej polityki neoimperialistycznej, czy też jest ona tylko użyteczną fasadą propagandową.
EN
This article compares the main aspects of Dugin’s neo-Eurasianism with the content of two important texts published in 2021: Putin’s article ‘On the historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians’ and the new National Security Strategy. These texts can be understood as part of ideological preparations for the war against Ukraine in 2022. The presence of elements of Russian nationalist ideology in these texts will make it possible to answer the question of whether the neo-Eurasian ideology is the authentic basis of Russian neo-imperialist policy or whether it is merely a useful propaganda façade.
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Patriotyzm i nacjonalizm

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EN
Nations are fellowships of culture that undergo a historical formation. The formation of national culture is a dynamic, complex and long-term process that is characterised by continuity and innovation (contribution given by successive generations). The development of culture is an expansive process. Now expansiveness is an essential and immanent property of culture. Innovations, new elements or changes in culture contributed by its authors may take on the character of creative expansion or aggressive expansion. Creative expansion manifests itself in tendencies and actions performed by members of society with a view to create further material and symbolical values, their dissemination and protection of the cultural heritage of one's own nation. These attitudes and actions make up what we call patriotism. Now aggressive expansion consists in tendencies and actions that are designed to develop one's own culture at the expense of another nation. Florian Znaniecki distinguishes four kinds of aggressiveness: territorial, economical, assimilative, and ideological. It is this aggressiveness of attitudes and behaviour towards other nations or their culture that constitutes nationalism. In the history of the development of culture in particular nations the key role is played by national ideologists – intellectual and political elite – as authors of national ideologies and organisers of social forces that tend to make them come true.
EN
National movement and further development of national benchmarks of the European peoples at the beginning of the revolution of 1848–1849 are one of the most socio-political contextualized pages in the past of the Slavik peoples in Europe. The research is considered to be topical since the process of formation of national ideology in the 19th century, that occured in the Slavs environment, took place in terms of distribution of the national principle and state formation in the majority of the European countries. The purpose of the research is to enlighten the course, laws and specifics of formation of the national paradigm at the beginning of the revolution of 1848–1849. The object of the study is the national movement of the Slavs, the subject of scientific analysis is the national ideology developing under the influence of both internal and external factors. To achieve the main goal of the research the author has considered it to be necessary to solve a number of the following tasks: to scientifically, logically, argumentatively and coherently lay out specifics of the process of Slavic national ideology formation and reveal its main features. It should be emphasized that by the beginning of the revolution the national patriotic mood was not limited merely by the demand of the cultural reforms, it gradually transformed into the context of new political and socio-economic ideas. At the same time, in the meaning of national paradigm of the Slavic National Movement the idea of its moderation or passive opposition actualized drastically. In general, national paradigm was a certain mixture of political ideas, in which political freedom – democracy, social and personal guarantees – took a somewhat secondary place, the struggle for the national justice with its moral and cultural principles, became dominant. On the eve of the 1848 revolution western Slavs were involved in the process of modernizing their national ideology. Al though this process was an all-European phenomen on and large ethnic units were under going self-determination, the spiritual renaissance of the western Slavs had specific regional and ethnic characteristics, thus attracting the political attention of the governments of great empires – the Austrian and the Russian. For Russia, the biggest Slavonic country, the idea of the general Slavonic ethnic unity as well as the Pan-Slavistic ideology were not only of scientific character, but also served as a factor of geopolitical interest
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