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Civic Education for Democracy During Crisis : Measuring State Media Engagement

100%
Rak J., Rezmer-Płotka K.
The New Educational Review
|
2022
|
vol. 69
82-94
EN
Informed by a research problem of explaining the relationships between the specificity of civic education and public support for authoritarian politicians, this paper aims to propose and test an analytical tool for measuring media engagement in civic education. It contributes methodologically to studies on civic education by delivering a tool that applies to identify and trace state media’s efforts to shape either democratic or autocratic citizenship models. Thereby, it allows monitoring current challenges to civic education for democracy in individual countries. The test contributes empirically to the studies on state-orchestrated civic education by revealing civic education for autocracy in pandemic-driven Poland. It enriches the knowledge of the use of Polish state media by the anti-democratic ruling actors to maintain the status quo.
2
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Why Did Italian Democracy Become Vulnerable? Theorizing the Change from Neo- to Quasi-Militant Democracy

75%
Rak J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2021
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issue 2 (50)
51-61
EN
Embedded in scholarship on militant democracy, this research aims to explain how Italian legislation was positioned to militant democratic measures and how this changed over time. Drawing on the qualitative source analysis and the explanatory frameworks of democratic vulnerability tests two competing theory-grounded assumptions. While the first one assumes that Italian democracy became vulnerable when traditional militant democracy instruments were outmoded, the second considers the misuse or abandonment of those means with social consent as the source of vulnerability. The crisis-induced socioeconomic inequality and uncertainty weakened the Italian political nation. As a result, the latter supported populists in return for a promise of political change. The anti-democratic legal means employed to extend power competencies and prevent the exchange of ruling parties were the way to and the costs of the expected political change. At the same time, the political nation became unable to self-organize to strengthen democracy self-defense. As a result, Italians co-produced a quasi-militant democracy that turned vulnerable because militant democracy measures were misused or not used with the consent of Italians that relinquished their political subjectivity in favor of the Northern League and the Five Star Movement.
3
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Conceptualizing the Theoretical Category of Neo-militant Democracy: The Case of Hungary

75%
Rak J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2020
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issue 2 (49)
61-70
EN
The article aims to formulate a theoretical category of neo-militant democracy that applies to study the nature and dynamics of democratic regimes after the 2008 economic crisis. It conducts an empirical test to verify the analytical effectiveness of the redeveloped category. The test takes a form of the case study of the Hungarian political system. Apart from a verification-objective, the research aims to identify and account for the dynamics of the Hungarian regime in terms of the neo-militant democracy principle. The qualitative method of source analysis serves to collect data on the processes of becoming neo-militant democracy. The selection of sources is deliberate and oriented on finding information about the implementation of neo-militant democracy measures in Hungary (2008-2019). The technique of qualitative content analysis applies to identify the nature of these processes. The theoretical tool is the category of neo-militant democracy, which simultaneously undergoes the empirical test. The main argument is that the process of becoming neo-militant democracy took a traditional form since the Hungarian neo-militant democracy principle drew on the traditional means introduced by Loewenstein rather than innovations advanced by the current research
4
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The Sovereignty of the Political Nation Under Threat? Portugal Between Neo- and Quasi-Militant Democracy

63%
Rezmer-Płotka K.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2022
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issue 6(70)
521-528
PL
W tym artykule głównym założeniem jest to, że Portugalia staje się nową demokracją opancerzoną od czasu zaistnienia pierwszego poważnego kryzysu finansowego w Unii Europejskiej, który wystąpił w latach 2008–2009. Dostrzeżono, że proces ten znacznie przyspieszył również w czasie tzw. kryzysu uchodźczego i pandemii koronawirusa. Istotę tak postawionego założenia stanowi wprowadzenie ograniczeń praw i wolności obywateli, szczególnie widocznych w czasie kryzysów, a także demobilizacja ruchów społecznych, zapoczątkowana w związku z nadejściem tendencji antydemokratycznych. Na podstawie przeprowadzonej analizy można zauważyć, że Portugalia w coraz większym stopniu staje się nową demokracją opancerzoną. Mogą na to wskazywać m.in. wprowadzone i istniejące regulacje prawne ograniczające prawa i wolności obywateli.
EN
In this paper the main assumption is that Portugal becomes a neo-militant democracy since the first major finance crisis in the European Union, which occurred in 2008– 2009 years. This process has also accelerated significantly at the time of the so-called refugee crisis and the coronavirus pandemic. The clue of the assumption is the introduction of restrictions on the rights and freedoms of citizens, especially visible during crises, as well as the demobilization of social movements which began in connection with the beginning of anti-democratic tendencies. Based on the analysis, it can be observed that Portugal becomes a neo-militant democracy to an increasing extent. This may be indicated by introduced and existing legal regulations limiting the rights and freedoms of citizens.
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