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EN
The EU’s foreign policy response(s) to the unfolding Ukraine crisis has further illustrated its difficulty in making effective foreign policy decisions. Using a neoclassical realist analytical framework, this paper argues that although the EU did have tangible collective interests in pursuing its Ukraine foreign policy, it was unable to adequately filter these through its domestic setting. Three key constraints to the EU’s Ukrainian foreign policy> were identified: decision-makers ’ miscalculations; rigid normative demands; and a reliance on consensus politics. Ultimately, the Ukraine crisis illustrated that the EU, in current incarnation, cannot translate interests into effective foreign policies, even when making policy for their direct neighbourhood.
EN
Since 1972, Tokyo has maintained official diplomatic relations with Beijing, while stressing the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. Based on governmental documents and decision-makers’ political declarations, this article examines Japan’s approach towards cross-strait relations since the 1990s. It applies the perspective of neoclassical realism by analyzing both the international determinants (independent variables) and the domestic factors (intervening variables) behind Tokyo’s approach to ‘One China’ policy. The article tries to answer the question why different Japanese governments reacted in various ways to cross-strait frictions and rapprochement. It is argued that the level of Tokyo’s involvement in the Taiwan problem was dependent both on international and domestic factors. Growing concerns about China’s military buildup, coupled with a gradual demise of pro-Beijing faction in the Liberal Democratic Party, pushed Japan towards containing the People’s Republic of China (PRC) while ameliorating relations with Taipei. As Sino-Japanese relations deteriorated, Tokyo became less inclined to lecture Taiwan against provoking Beijing and more willing to support Taipei’s international initiatives. At the same time, Japan started perceiving cross-strait rapprochement not only as a factor stabilizing the regional security system, but also as a potential threat to national security.
EN
This article examines which theory of international relations is best suited for the analysis of energy resources in international relations. The article suggests that realism paradigm theories might provide a useful starting point from a descriptive method in the studies of energy resources in foreign policy. The idealism paradigm downplays the strategic importance of energy resources, and suggests simplified view that statesmen are economically rational actors. Realism suggests that energy resources are power elements included in states' foreign policy when states seek to expand influence abroad. Detailed examination of classical realism, neorealism, defensive realism, offensive realism and neoclassical realism suggests that neoclassical realism allows extend the analysis of energy resources' role in states foreign policy. Interactions and variables in neoclassical realism suggest the broadest explanations and predictions.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie strategii handlowej i inwestycyjnej USA w czasie prezydentury George’a W. Busha w oparciu o Strategię Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego z 2002 i 2006 roku. Hipoteza artykułu wskazuje, że strategia handlowa i inwestycyjna Stanów Zjednoczonych była ściśle podporządkowane geopolitycznym celom polityki zagranicznej. Praca obejmuje wprowadzenie i perspektywę teoretyczną, analizę instytucjonalno-prawną amerykańskiego systemu polityczno-gospodarczego, analizę priorytetów gospodarczych strategii polityki zagranicznej oraz strategii handlowych i inwestycyjnych wobec wybranych regionów Ameryki Łacińskiej oraz Azji Południowo-Wschodniej i Pacyfiku. Zagadnienia te są przedstawiane przez pryzmat teorii realizmu neoklasycznego i liberalizmu instytucjonalnego. Stosowane metody obejmują statystykę opisową, systemową, porównawczą, instytucjonalno-prawną, jak również technikę studium przypadku.
EN
The aim of this article is to present the U.S. trade and investment strategy during the George W. Bush presidency based on the National Security Strategy of 2002 and 2006. Moreover, the article confirms the hypothesis that indicates that the U.S. trading and investment strategy was strictly subordinated to geopolitical foreign policy goals. The work consists of an introduction and theoretical perspective, institutional and legal analysis of the American political and economic system, analysis of economic priorities of foreign policy strategy and trade and investment strategies towards selected regions of Latin America and the Southeast Asia and the Pacific. These issues are being presented through the prism of the theory of neoclassical realism – pointing to the role and importance of the President’s office in U.S. foreign policy, institutional liberalism, taking into account the role and importance of structuring global trade and investment relations and the theory of comparative advantage in American trade policy. Methods used include systemic, comparative, institutional and legal, and descriptive statistics, as well as case study technique.
RU
В статье рассматриваются основные подходы к проблеме безопасности, существующие в рамках парадигмы неоклассического реализма: концепция международной политики Б. Бьюзена политическая теория К. Холсти, теория «наступательного реализма» Дж. Миэршеймера и теория «баланса угроз» С. Уолта. Особое внимание уделяется стратегиям поведения государств на международной арене.
EN
The article is dedicated to main approaches to security problem in neoclassical realism: B. Buzan’s concept of international politics, K. Holsti’s political theory, J. Mearsheimer’s “offensive realism” theory, S. Walt’s theory of “balance of threats”. Author pays special attention to state’s strategies on international arena.
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