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EN
The aim of the presented text is an attempt to verify the most popular in the political science literature hypotheses about the emergence of new political movements, potential sources of their electoral success and the prospects for a permanent presence on the political scene. The primary reference is a theoretical model of the Political Opportunity Structure, which is a complex description concept for the success sources of the new political movements. The context for the presented text are the parliamentary elections in 2011 and the success of a new political party – ”Ruch Palikota”.
EN
During the quarter-century of democracy in Poland, most of the parliamentary par-ties had a post-communist or post-Solidarity origin. Only three formations without links to the two sides of the Round Table agreement – League of Polish Families (LPR), Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and Palikot’s Movement (Ruch Palikota, now: Your Move) – have achieved political relevance. The analysis of their road to parliament helps to cap-ture the specificity of the success of genuinely new parties in Poland. The factors that affect high electoral support for the aforementioned three parties were: advantageous configuration in Polish party system, strong leadership and articula-tion of new issues or neglected demands (exploitation of new community division and filling an ideological niche). The fate of LPR and Samoobrona confirms that the last factor seems to be crucial for the success of genuinely new party.
EN
The main focus of the article is „new political party” concept and its implications in the established democracies. In the course of the article the authors combine two ranges of existing conceptualizations (quantitative and qualitative) and explore the specific multiparty system of the Netherlands. On the basis of a wide range of examples several types of new parties and their influence on party system’s development has been presented.
EN
This article is an attempt to describe the social reception of United Poland (Solidarna Polska) – the new party on Polish political scene founded by former Minister of Justice Zbigniew Ziobro. The authors have tried to answer the question whether this new political initiative can reach the relevant position in Polish party system. The first part of article includes the most popular theoretical models referring to emergence of new political parties and their impact on party system. The other part presents the main issues connected with United Poland: the genesis of this party, the political program and the marketing strategy. It has been an introduction to show the results of our research on the social reception of United Poland. According to the research, only a small number of voters believe in success this new party. The most of Polish electorate think that United Poland cannot develop the coherent marketing strategy and their political program cannot be distinguished from parties with parliamentary representation.
EN
The immigration is recently the most important issue influencing the fates of European Union member states. Presented article diagnoses the attitudes to immigrants arriving to EU among Polish citizens and examines how the migration crisis can affect the Polish party system according to emerging of new parties approaches. The conducted empirical research shows that majority of Polish voters are against hosting immigrants in their country. However, in contrast to the West European party systems, there is also plenty of relevant Polish parties with negative stance to immigration. Therefore, the immigration cannot be considered as a factor of party system change.
EN
The intra-party conflicts tend to be more common on Polish political scene in last few years. This kind of political competition was not avoided by the ruling party – Civic Platform. The conflict between Prime Minister Donald Tusk and former Minister of Justice JarosławGowin has escalated during the internal election in Civic Platform. Despite the Gowin’s failure in party chairman election, he reached a substantial support among party members and electorate. After that, Gowin decided to leave Civic Platform and established his own political formation – Poland Together (Polska Razem). Presented article is aimed at examining the perception of party leadership of Donald Tusk and the political potential of JarosławGowin. According to the research and this year’s European Parliament election the author tried to answer the question whether Gowin’s party can achieve the relevant position in Polish party system.
EN
The emergence of new party should be an answer for voters’ demand on new political initiatives. Since the beginning of the 21th century we have been faced with lack of representativeness of political parties. In addition, there is weak party identification among Polish electorate. The empirical research presented in this article proves that the portion of electorate expecting an emergence of new party is increased. However, the Polish voters don’t believe that potential new parties can reach the relevant position in party system. The results of Palikot Movement (currently: Your Move) in parliamentary election 2011 and the Congress of the New Right in this year’s European Parliament election shows that appropriate political program can bring about a success of new political formation.
EN
The aim of presented article is to examine regularities in the geographical distribution of support for the new political parties in Poland, Czech Republic and Slovakia. At the beginning of the study, nationwide results of analyzed parties were compared with results achieved in territorial units. On this basis, the author created an indicator showing the average profit (or loss) of a new grouping in relation to the share of votes at the national level. Subsequently, the author calculated the Pearson's correlation coefficients to evaluate the relationship between results of new political parties in the first elections they gained parliamentary seats. The results of the analysis show that only in case of Czech Republic, it is possible to distinct the territorial units where citizens are more likely to vote for new parties. Nevertheless, most of differences in the geographical distribution of support for new parties in analyzed countries arise from three interrelated factors: the specificity of the territorial unit, ideological autoidentification of population inhabiting a particular territorial unit and popularity of party leaders.
EN
The article presents the analysis of selected aspects of the activity of new parties in ten countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the period from 1991 to 2018. The author focuses primarily on the support that the newcomers garnered in their first elections to the lower chambers of national parliaments. The election results are treated as indicators as to the openness of political markets. Furthermore, the author examines the number and scale of new entities that gained parliamentary representation.
PL
Celem artykułu była analiza wybranych aspektów aktywności partii nowych na scenach politycznych dziesięciu państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w latach 1991–2018. Autor skupił uwagę przede wszystkim na skali poparcia wyborczego, uzyskiwanego przez partie nowe w wyborach do izby niższej parlamentów, jako jednej z przesłanek decydujących o otwartości rynków politycznych. Analizie poddano także liczbę i wielkość (mierzoną skalą poparcia wyborczego) partii nowych, które uzyskały reprezentację parlamentarną w państwach regionu.
PL
Prezentowana analiza ma na celu zidentyfikowanie czynników wykazujących związek z odsetkiem mandatów dla nowych partii politycznych w warunkach systemów partyjnych państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. W trakcie badań zaproponowano autorskie zestawienie czynników mogących współwystępować z wyższym wynikiem mandatowym nowych partii, skategoryzowanych w obrębie czterech grup (czynników politycznych, społecznych, instytucjonalnych oraz ekonomicznych). Uzyskane rezultaty potwierdziły, że wyższy odsetek mandatów zdobytych przez nowe ugrupowania na badanym obszarze współwystępował z niższym poziomem zaufania do Unii Europejskiej, niższym zaufaniem instytucjonalnym (wskaźnik stworzony na podstawie zaufania do parlamentu, rządu oraz partii politycznych), gorszymi ocenami co do przyszłości państwa (zobrazowanymi zmienną prospective voting), mniejszym rozwarstwieniem dochodowym społeczeństwa (ukazanym wartością współczynnika Giniego) oraz wyższą efektywną liczbą partii. Brak istotnych statystycznie związków odnotowano natomiast w przypadku czynników instytucjonalnych (w tym systemu wyborczego).
EN
The aim of the presented analysis is to identify factors correlated with the proportion of seats obtained by new political parties in party systems of Central and Eastern European countries. The study provides an original approach to success of new parties, offering factors divided into in four groups (political, social, institutional and economic factors). The study results confirmed that a higher proportion of seats obtained by new parties in the investigated area correlated with lower trust in the European Union, lower institutional trust (index based on trust in the parliament, government and political parties), poorer evaluations of the future of the country (illustrated with the prospective voting variable), lower income inequalities in the society (illustrated with the Gini coefficient value), and a higher effective number of parties. No significant relationships were observed in the case of institutional factors (including the electoral system).
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