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EN
This article introduces the topic of armed non-state actors and briefly summarizes the contributions to this special issue.
EN
This article aims to address the issue of alleged hybrid warfare attacks on Lithuania, Latvia, and Poland. The scope of the article covers the Belarus operations conducted in 2021. Firstly, the author addresses the issue of pushing migrants from a descriptive perspective. Secondly, he debates whether Belarus operation was conducted within the scope of hybrid warfare, hybrid threat, and lawfare? The author concludes that the Republic of Belarus has operated lawfare falling within the hybrid threat spectrum. It means that the situation is not to be classified under the law of armed conflict from the perspective of international and non-international armed conflicts and ius ad bellum violation. Thirdly, the author claims that Belarus has violated international law, so certain legal redress is appropriate and justified. Belarus's actions may result in a court proceeding before the International Court of Justice and before other international institutions.
EN
The prospect of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) terrorism poses a danger for contemporary societies. However, the incidents related to an application of weapons of mass destruction (that is, nuclear, chemical, biological and radiological weapons) by non-state actors are relatively rare. The aim of the paper is to present recent incidents and to estimate the threat from particular types of WMD. The author focuses both on the question of motivation to undertake these operations and on the problem of technological capabilities. To sum up, the risk of a massive WMD terrorist attack should be perceived as quite moderate due to the technological barrier, but selective attacks carry a greater potential risk because of their higher probability and significant psychological effect.
EN
The paper describes the modern history of international relations based on the liberalism-constructivism approach. The main goal is to decrease the importance of the state in international relations and to point out the importance of a number of other actors that influence communication in international relations (multinational companies, non-state actors, new social movements, media, etc.). Such expansion is also of importance for the Czechoslovak and West German relations in the 1950s and 1960s. At that time, official diplomatic relations did not exist, therefore the communication transpired via these non-state actors. Scientific workplaces focusing on the area of international relations played a key role in this process, namely the Czechoslovak Ústav pro mezinárodní politiku a ekonomii and the West German Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik. However even these scientific institutions were influenced by the ideological and institutional settings of each respective country. The Ústav pro mezinárodní politiku a ekonomii in many aspects simply repeated propaganda statements of the Communist government towards West Germany. Due to its own activities aimed at the Czechoslovak and West German relations in the 1960s and the effort to gain a more independent position, it was disbanded in early 1970s. A new workplace was created instead, which was once again fully subordinate to the Communist party. On the other hand, the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik represents a modern think-tank created in the Anglo-Saxon world. In many propositions, the analysis formed their own, independent stances that often contradicted the official views of the West German government.
EN
This article presents an analytical study of several asylum cases on which Czech courts issued rulings between 2007 and 2022. It focuses on exposing the ways in which asylum authorities/courts conceptually treat legal otherness on the basis of incomplete information in the practical context of asylum proceedings. It demonstrates how the judgments of Czech asylum courts deal with the legal differences of countries of origin in evidentiary interpretations of documents, such as transcripts of asylum interviews or country-of-origin information (COI), by reconstructing the conceptual frameworks in which the alterity of the origin countries’ state legal systems and customary law is embedded. It identifies particular evidentiary concepts that do not easily fit into the standard ontology of formal asylum law. In particular, Czech court rulings tend to conceptually frame unconventional legal authorities (like elders, traditional councils) as cultural entities, non-state actors, or private persons, which paradoxically disqualifies them from the ontological possibility of posing (or preventing) a threat to refugees by operating an (in)effective legal system. The article discusses the possibility of applying an alternative of legal-anthropological conceptualisation of unconventional legal authorities, focusing specifically on Afghanistan, Jordan, and Yemen.
EN
Today we are witnessing a fundamental shift in Public International Law (PIL) in which the number of actors increases dramatically and in which communication means power. The matrix of PIL is undergoing a major change. This change is not abrupt but has to be seen in the context of the shift away from the Westphalian model of PIL since 1945. Also, globalization is not a new phenomenon, although the current era of globalization, which was made possible due to the fall of the iron curtain and recent technological developments, raises the question how to describe the emerging international legal community in terms of international legal theory. As the importance of the role of the state as an actor of international law is reduced (albeit not to a degree that the state would lose its de facto primacy among the subjects of international law), other actors are gaining ground, in particular international organizations, transnational corporations, NGOs and individuals. Today the latter not only have rights under Public International Law but are also involved in the creation of new rules of international law.
EN
The main aim of the article is to show the deficits related to the defense of interests by non-state actors related to the Polish raison d’état. Moreover, the article presents the articulated and promoted interests of Poland at the European Union level. The article also focuses on non-state actors involved in lobbying at the European and national levels. The article also attempts to establish the place of non-state actors in the institutional system of the European Union in the context of increasing promotion of the Polish raison d’état. In addition to the theoretical dimensions, this article offers a practical insight into the functioning of Polish non-state actors at the European level, which has developed in recent years.
PL
Głównym celem artykułu jest pokazanie deficytów związanych z obroną interesów przez aktorów niepaństwowych związanych z polską racją stanu. Ponadto artykuł przedstawia wyartykułowane i promowane interesy Polski na poziomie Unii Europejskiej. Artykuł koncentruje się także na podmiotach niepaństwowych zaangażowanych w lobbing na poziomie europejskim i krajowym. W artykule podjęto również próbę ustalenia miejsca podmiotów niepaństwowych w systemie instytucjonalnym Unii Europejskiej w kontekście wzrostu promowania polskiej racji. Oprócz wymiarów teoretycznych, artykuł ten oferuje praktyczny wgląd w funkcjonowanie polskich podmiotów niepaństwowych na poziomie europejskim, który rozwijał się w ostatnich latach.
EN
The article presents the analysis of the role of non-state actors in shaping global security. It points out the functions performed by states and the observation that their role is gradually diminishing in favor of non-state actors. The article also presents the classification of these actors (governmental and non-governmental organizations, corporations, militias, think-tanks, diasporas, political parties and the Catholic Church) differentiating their significance for international security.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia analizę roli, jaką pełnią różni aktorzy niepaństwowi w kształtowaniu bezpieczeństwa globalnego. Zwraca uwagę na funkcje, jakie obecnie pełnią w tym procesie państwa oraz wskazuje, że ich rola stopniowo maleje na rzecz aktorów pozapaństwowych. Artykuł jednocześnie dostarcza klasyfikację tychże aktorów (organizacje rządowe, pozarządowe, korporacje, grupy zbrojne, think-tanki, diaspory, partie polityczne czy Kościół katolicki), różnicując ich znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza ról odgrywanych przez tzw. aktorów niepaństwowych we współczesnych konfliktach zbrojnych. Analizie poddano działania dwóch klas podmiotów, tj. grup terrorystycznych oraz organizacji pozarządowych (NGO), w celu zweryfikowania utrzymującego się w potocznym odbiorze zniekształconego, nadmiernie uproszczonego ich obrazu. Zaprezentowane badania wykazały, wbrew panującym powszechnie opiniom, że żadnej z tych klas nie można przypisać jednoznacznie „dobrych” lub „złych” ról. Grupy terrorystyczne i organizacje pozarządowe mogą odgrywać bardzo zróżnicowane role w trakcie i po zakończeniu konfliktu zbrojnego, a ich działania bywają postrzegane i oceniane w odmienny sposób przez różne strony konfliktu.
EN
The article aims at analyzing the roles played by the so-called non-state actors (NSAs) in modern armed conflicts. The analysis covered the activities of two classes of entities, i.e. terrorist groups and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), in order to verify the distorted, overly simplified picture of these entities that prevails in colloquial perception. The study suggests that, contrary to popular assumptions, one cannot assign exclusively „good” or „bad” labels to either of these classes. Terrorist groups and NGOs can play a variety of roles during and after armed conflict, and what is more, their actions may be perceived and evaluated differently by different parties to a conflict.
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PL
17 lipca 2014 r. w rejonie Donbasu na wschodniej Ukrainie runął samolot pasażerski MH17 malezyjskich linii lotniczych, najprawdopodobniej w wyniku zestrzelenia przez pro-rosyjskich separatystów. Artykuł ma na celu zdeterminowanie kwalifikacji prawnej tragedii 298 pasażerów i załogi statku powietrznego oraz wskazanie podmiotu odpowiedzialnego za czyn. W ramach opracowania poruszane są następujące kwestie – zdeterminowanie odpowiedzialności na gruncie powszechnego prawa międzynarodowego, w systemie ochrony praw człowieka oraz indywidualnej odpowiedzialności karnej sprawców, w tym potencjalnie, przed Międzynarodowym Trybunałem Karnym. Mając na względzie fakt, iż pro-rosyjscy separatyści to podmiot pozapaństwowy, artykuł dotyka ważkiego problemu relacji państwa z aktorami pozapaństwowymi, w szczególności operującymi w przestrzeniach quasi-państw, reżimach terytorialnych de facto, skutecznie rozrywając system prawa międzynarodowego publicznego.
EN
On 17th July 2014 within the area of the Donbas region in the eastern part of Ukraine the Malaysian Airlines aircraft was shot down by the – most probably – pro-Russian separatists. The main aim of the paper is to determine the legal qualification of the MH17 tragedy and to identify the responsible subject. Paper deals with the law of the state responsibility under the general international law, human rights law and the individual criminal responsibility, including the possibility of the International Criminal Court interference. As pro-Russian separatists are non-state actors, the article touches the significant issue of finding the proper legal relation between non-state actors and a state itself, especially these operating within the so-called quasi-states, effectively diminishing the international legal order.
RU
17 июля 2014 г. в районе Донбасса на востоке Украины разбился пассажирский самолет MH17 Малайзийских авиакомпаний, наивероятнее в результате выстрела пророссийских сепаратистов. Статья имеет целью предопределить правовую квалификацию трагедии 298 пассажиров и членов экипажа воздушного судна и определить лицо ответственное за действия. В рамках исследования рассматриваются следующие вопросы - определение ответственности на основании общего международного права, в защите прав человека и индивидуальной уголовной ответственности лиц, в том числе, потенциально в Международном Уголовном Судe. В связи с тем, что пророссийские сепаратисты это негосударственный субьект, статья затрагивает весомую и тяжелую проблему взаимоотношений государства с актерами внегосударственными, в частности, которые орудуют в пространстве квази-государств, территориальных режимах де-факто, эффективно разрывает систему международного государственного права.
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