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1

Dziat alność konspiracyjna Stronnictwa Demokratycznego (1939-1945).

100%

Fogelzang-Adler E.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2003

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vol. 2

223-240

PL

The Democratic Party (SD) started its underground activities in the first months of German occupation. It played a significant role in Underground Poland, although considerably minor in comparison with the activity of the four parties of the Govemment coalition. Its role is confirmed by the participation, among others, in the Main Political Council; in its wide publishing and propaganda action, underground education, sabotage and military operations. It was different political views held by party members that were responsible for the party split-up. On July 4, 1943 (an underground convention) beside the Democratic Party “Prostokąt” (“Rectangle”) there came into being the Polish Democratic Party (SPD). In autumn 1943, SPD created the Youth Division, which was named the Movement of the Young Democracy. Apart from Warsaw region the Democratic Party conducted its activities also in the regions of Cracow, Lodź, Lvov and Vilnius. Among those, the Cracow organisation was particularly active. Some of the organisations that were active during the years of war and occupationwere connected with the Democratic Party, such as Polish Peasants’ Independence Organisation and Revolutionary and Independence Union. Besides, the Democratic Party “Prostokąt” and SPD initiated larger-scale democratic agreements: Social Organisation of Self-defence, Democratic Union, Centralisation of Democratic, Socialist and Syndicalism Unions. Some members of the party emigrated from the country, others continued their political work abroad, e.g. in France, Great Britain and Belgium.

2

Stosunek ziemiaństwa do okupanta niemieckiego w dystrykcie radomskim 1939-1945.

80%

Gapys J.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2001

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vol. 1

149-170

PL

Having captured the territory of Poland and introduced their own administration, the Germans commenced to implement specific economic plans. The chief objective for the occupant on the territory of the General Gouvemement was to direct its economy in such a way that it would become the food supply basis for the Third Reich. The dominant role in assuring the security of provisions for Germany was to be played by the agricultural production at the workshops of large landowners. Therefore the mutual relationships between the landed gentry and the occupant were mainly determined by the economic factor. Moreover, one can State that it was actually the economic platform, which was the most important domain of the German influence on the landed gentry. Mainly in the first years of the occupation, the Germans conducted preferential policy in relation to farming, hoping to achieve a radical growth of agricultural production, which they needed so much. The landowners referred to those measures pragmatically, and took advantage of the opportunity to strengthen the economic potential of their estates. Their work in the agricultural apparatus was treated as an opportunity to help representatives of their own community, as well as other social groups. At the same time, however, the occupant conducted a widespread operation of expropriation of estates and their physical liąuidation. The conseąuence of that policy was that ca. 1/3 of the farms in the Radom district were taken over by the Germans. The escalation of the freąuently excessive exploitation of the farms, which began together with the growing failures at the eastem front, met with resistance of the landowners. The methods of economic struggle applied most often by the landowners against the enemy included falsification of the statistics at their estates, boycott of the compulsory supplies, and participation in the illegal market. The large help of the landowners to the armed underground can also be considered struggle on the economic platform. The supplies given to the guerrillas diminished the economic potential of the Third Reich, on the one hand, while on the other, supported the expansion of the armed conspiracy which, morę or less effectively fought against the anti-Polish policy of the Nazi occupation. The political significance of the landed gentry was considered slightly lower by the Germans, though they madę attempts at winning some representatives of the landowners to political co-operation. Majority of the landowners resisted those proposals, and only a few sympathised with the occupant. In sporadic cases, it resulted in signing the volkslist, which often served as a cover for the work for freedom. It was only in 1944, in the context of organising the anti-Bolshevik front by the invaders, that landed gentry was recognised by the Germans as a politically significant social group. The political collaboration against Bolshevism, which was proposed by the enemy, failed due to the national causes. Even the innate aversion of the landed gentry towards communism, cleverly nourished by the German propaganda, did not bring the expected results in confrontation with the patriotism and political maturity of the gentry.

3

Hitlerowskie więzienia i obozy przejściowe wświetle literatury wspomnieniowej duchowieństwa polskiego z lat 1939-1945

41%

Dańczura K.

Roczniki Teologiczne

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2015

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vol. 62

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issue 4: Historia Kościoła

197-217

EN

70 years after the end of the World War II, we can say that despite vast research of the matter at hand, there are still many of the aspects of the Nazi occupation of Europe that have evaded investigation so far. One such issue is the Nazi system of terror and extermination affecting Polish clergy, which relied − among other things − on the system of prisons and the so-called transit camps (usually located in specially dedicated monasteries). The testimonies of the clergymen who suffered the ordeal caused by the Nazi persecutions are an important historiographical resource, supplementing the incomplete historical material. Relying on such memoirs, the article approaches a vast panorama of issues related to the internment procedure that the clergy underwent: arrest, strip search, stay, daily agenda, food, living conditions, punishment, persecutions, work and religious life.

XX

Upływ prawie 70 lat od zakończenia II wojny światowej pozwala stwierdzić, iż mimo przeprowadzenia gruntownych badań nad okupacją hitlerowską nadal w historii tego okresu pozostają obszary niezbadane. Wymownym tego przykładem jest system terroru i eksterminacji przeprowadzony na duchownych polskich, którego częścią składową były więzienia i tzw. obozy przejściowe (mieszczące się zazwyczaj w zaadaptowanych do tego celu klasztorach). Bogatym i cennym źródłem uzupełniającym dotychczasowe nieścisłości są wspomnienia kapłanów-ofiar tej przerażającej machiny. Opierając się na literaturze pamiętnikarskiej, artykuł porusza zagadnienia związane z internowaniem kapłanów w aresztach − począwszy od momentu ich osadzenia (rewizja osobista), poprzez pobyt (harmonogram dnia, wyżywienie, warunki bytowe, kary i represje oraz oprawcy, praca), kończąc na życiu religijnym.

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2 Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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Dziat alność konspiracyjna Stronnictwa Demokratycznego (1939-1945).

Stosunek ziemiaństwa do okupanta niemieckiego w dystrykcie radomskim 1939-1945.

Hitlerowskie więzienia i obozy przejściowe wświetle literatury wspomnieniowej duchowieństwa polskiego z lat 1939-1945