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Koncepcja Rzeszy Słowiańskiej według Karela Kramara

100%

Eberhardt P.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

2016

vol. 18

19-37

Przedstawiono w artykule propozycję geopolityczną opracowaną w 1914 r. przez wybitnego polityka czeskiego Karela Kramářa mającą na celu zjednoczenie wszystkich narodów słowiańskich w jednym wspólnym państwie, tzw. Rzeszy Słowiańskiej. Miało to się odbyć pod egidą imperatora rosyjskiego. Przed skomentowaniem tej koncepcji przedstawiono biografię, działalność polityczną i dokonania twórcze tego wybitnego męża stanu i pierwszego premiera Czechosłowacji. Reprezentował on poglądy panslawistyczne i filorosyjskie. Starano się również zrozumieć i wyjaśnić jego postawę wobec Polski i Polaków.

The paper presents the geopolitical proposal, elaborated by the outstanding Czech politician, Karel Kramář (1860-1937), and made public in 1914. The doctrinal intention of this proposal was the unification of all the Slavonic nations in one common statehood, the so-called “Slavonic Realm”. This would take place under the auspices of the Russian emperor, after he tsarist Russia would have defeated the German Empire and the Austrian-Hungarian Empire in the approaching war. In the introductory part of the article the political biography of the statesman and the advocate of the alliance of the Slavic countries is outlined. Kramář represented the pan-Slavic and the philo-Russian views. He visited many times Russia, where he got acquainted with the intellectual elite, including the personal encounter with Lev Tolstoy (1890). Before the outbreak of the World War I he demanded federalisation of Austria-Hungary, and granting of the civil, as well as national freedoms to the Czechs. During the period of war he was condemned to death for his patriotic activity, but after a year in prison he was acquitted. After Czechoslovakia gained sovereignty, to which he also contributed in a certain degree, he took the position of the Prime Minister. Then, he participated in the Paris Conference, in Versailles, as the leader of the Czech delegation. He was the author of numerous books and articles, in which he would touch upon the historical, political, geopolitical, social and legal issues. In the further course of the paper the design for the creation of the Slavonic Realm, mentioned before, and the principles of its functioning, are presented. This would consist in the incorporation into the Russian Empire of five autonomous provinces, namely: Poland, Czechia, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro. Each of the five countries would enjoy the autonomy in the domain of national language and culture. Each of these provinces would be headed by the viceroy, nominated by the Emperor of Russia. The geographical boundaries of these five provinces were delineated, and the design for the constitution was presented and commented upon, developed by Kramář, meant to become the foundation for the future basic law for the territory of the Slavonic community and its constituent parts. The subsequent portion of the article is devoted to the position of Kramář’s regarding Poles and to his attempts, aiming at normalising the Polish-Russian relations. The Czech politician was aware of the fact that without the participation of Poles the entire geopolitical design may end up as failure. Despite numerous efforts, the attempts of Kramář’s were not bringing the expected results in this domain. This was, additionally, due to the fact that the political events, associated with the defeat of tsarist Russia in World War I, made the federalist design obsolete. In the concluding section the author evaluates the concept, forwarded by Kramář, from the point of view of its pragmatism and the capacity of implementation. It is also noted that the communist block, which took shape after World War II, even though pronouncing different principles and ideological doctrine, reminded in territorial terms the area delineated by Kramář and communicated by him in May 1914 to the Russian authorities.

O używaniu i nadużywaniu historii. Polityka historyczna i kultury pamięci w Europie Środkowo- i Południowo-Wschodniej (1791–1989)

41%

Patrice M. D., Troebst S.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

2015

issue 1(25)

15-61

Uses and Abuses of the Past. The Politics of History and Cultures of Remembrance in East-Central and Southeastern Europe (1791 to 1989) The ‘long’ 19th century and the wars of the ‘short’ 20th century decisively shaped the cultures of remembrance of the national societies and nation-states of East-Central and Southeastern Europe. The national liberation movements, the wars of 1912/14–1918, the founding of new states in 1918–19, the turn to authoritarian rule in the late 1920s and the war years of 1939/41–1944/45 continue to shape – together with the legacy of communism and medieval myths – the collective memory of contemporary Poles, Hungarians, Slovaks, Czechs, Romanians, Bulgarians, Albanians, Serbs, Macedonians, Croats and others. If Oskar Halecki and Jenő Szűcs have identified a historical meso-region of a ‘wider’ East-Central Europe characterized by common structural features, one can also identify a post-imperial and post-communist ‘community of memory’ between Plžen and Poltava, Tallinn and Thessaloniki. This shaping of the past in people’ s minds has taken place in a threefold manner. First, the individual memory of quite a number of people who had experienced World War II, the interwar period and even the ‘three’ Balkans Wars is still alive. These memories differ substantially depending on ethnicity, political affiliation back then, and on present-day political needs. Those hunted during the Second World War record rather different memories than those who participated in ethnic cleansing, for example. There have been floods of memoirs written about the recent past throughout the region. Second, in these until rather recently non-literate but ‘oral’ societies family memory continues to play an important role – a role that was strengthened considerably under the decades of communism when memories not compatible with the official master narrative were suppressed. And third – and perhaps most importantly – the post-1989/91 governments’ uses and abuses of the past are primarily an iteration of the ‘politics of history’ propagated by governments of the interwar period and earlier.

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Koncepcja Rzeszy Słowiańskiej według Karela Kramara

O używaniu i nadużywaniu historii. Polityka historyczna i kultury pamięci w Europie Środkowo- i Południowo-Wschodniej (1791–1989)