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Possible application of deliberative democracy in parliament

100%
Dolný B.
Human Affairs
|
2011
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vol. 21
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issue 4
422-436
EN
Deliberative democracy, as a dominant paradigm in contemporary democratic theory, offers a new, attractive conception of democratic legitimacy, which represents an alternative to a democracy that functions through the mechanism of political competition. A major problem with deliberation is the issue of its institutionalisation, as the theories of deliberative democracy have not produced a more specific institutional framework or form in which it could be used in political practice. Parliaments appear to be particularly suitable places for its potential implementation. Moreover, deliberative democracy could contribute to a change in discourse quality and the way decision-making is conducted in parliaments, which is often considered problematic. Due to its incompatibility with competitive democracy, the opportunities for introducing deliberative democracy into parliaments are very limited. The study also outlines three ways of reconciling deliberative democracy and parliaments.
2
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Konec českých exekucí? Policy analýza interakcí a postojů českých parlamentních stran k problematice oddlužení

100%
Šmatera V., Pinková A.
Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)
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2020
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vol. 26
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issue 2
61-78
EN
The legal framework of insolvency proceedings in the Czech Republic has long been subjected to much criticism from various kinds of stakeholders, including political parties. This policy analysis paper focuses on how this topic resonates at the parliamentary level, specifically on how it was reflected in the Czech Parliament during the adoption process of the last amendment to the insolvency act. The analysis focusing on two critical parameters of the bill is based on a detailed examination of the transcripts of Parliamentary debates, the legislative documents as well as interviews with several members of the Parliament involved in the process and provides an overview of possibilities of future development.
3
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Konkluzja sejmu konwokacyjnego 1733 roku. Przyczynek do refleksji nad kryzysem staropolskiej demokracji deliberacyjnej

75%
Kucharski T.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2019
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issue 4(153)
27–48
EN
An article is devoted to the proceedings of a General Sejm session in the interregnum of 1733 (so-called convocational Sejm). The reflection is focused on actions of the archbishop of Gniezno — Teodor Potocki, at the time the prime senator and the president of the government. Achieving his political goals required to conduct a Sejm session smoothly. Potocki wanted to enact the law that would exclude political opponents of Stanisław Leszczyński in the future election. To ensure this and neutralize political rivals, the archbishop decided to break old-Polish parliamentary rules, consequently blocked the free discussion and refused to accept dissent announced by deputies. It caused an enormous political crisis, led to the questioning of the Sejm resolutions and, finally, to a failure of Leszczyński’s candidacy. The main purpose of the article is to show that the old-Polish mechanisms of the political system can be seen as feudal “deliberative democracy” based on freedom of political debate, unanimity in enacting laws, and weak government. By using an example of the Sejm in 1733 and its failure, the author tries to assess the causes and mechanisms of the crisis of old-Polish parliamentarism during the liberum veto era.
4
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Polska kultura polityczna w świetle parlamentarnych debat budżetowych z lat 2001–2010. Wybrane aspekty

71%
Suchowiejko W.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2017
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issue 1
235-254
EN
The aim of the article “Polish political culture in the light of the parliamentary budgetary debates from 2001–2010. Selected aspects” is to point out the main directions of the evolution of the Polish customs and political attitudes that can be seen by analyzing the Polish parliamentary budget debates carried out in the period from 2001–2010. The course of the first debate readings from 2001 to 2010 has been examined, where attention is focused on two areas of description: quantitative – the conditions of the regulations, the form (long or medium debate), the participants, including their number and function (regarding executive power, parliament, and parliamentary club), and qualitative – selected semantic and pragmatic elements of the debate language in support of or opposed to the government proposals (here reduced to the two selected debates from 2002 and 2010). As opposed to the declarations made by the participants, the conclusions resulting from this analysis indicate the decreasing importance of the budget debate, as well as its apparent professionalization and actual politicization, resulting in phenomena related to the mediatization and tabloidization of politics.
PL
Celem artykułu było zasygnalizowanie głównych kierunków ewolucji polskich obyczajów i postaw politycznych, dających się dostrzec dzięki analizie polskiej parlamentarnej debaty budżetowej przeprowadzanej w okresie 2001–2010. Refleksji poddano tu przebieg pierwszych czytań debat z lat 2001–2010, przy czym przedmiotem uwagi uczyniono dwa pola opisu: ilościowe – uwarunkowania regulaminowe, forma (debata długa, średnia), uczestnicy – liczba, funkcja (we władzy wykonawczej, w parlamencie, w klubie parlamentarnym) oraz jakościowe – wybrane elementy semantyki i pragmatyki języka debaty – poparcie lub odmowa poparcia dla propozycji rządu (tu ograniczono się do dwóch wybranych debat – z 2002 roku i z 2010 roku). Wnioski wynikające z podjętej analizy wskazują na malejące (w przeciwieństwie do deklaracji głoszonych przez jej uczestników) znaczenie debaty budżetowej, na jej pozorną profesjonalizację i rzeczywistą, owocującą zjawiskami związanymi z mediatyzacją i tabloidyzacją polityki, polityzację.
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