Search results

1

Политическая программа Всеукраинского Объединения „Свобода” и перспективы ее реализации

100%

Войтюк О.

Studia Politologiczne

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2013

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issue 28

65-80

EN

In October 28, 2012 in Ukraine are held parliamentary elections. In the elections participated 22 political parties. Election barriers could overcome 5 of them, including All-Ukrainian Union “Svoboda” – a party with nationalistic views and slogans. During the elections campaign there were a lot of speculation about who supports and finances the party. Most Ukrainian politicians were convinced that Svoboda would not overcome 5% barrier. However, to their great astonishment Svoboda contrary to exit polls prediction, got 10.44% of voices and entered to Ukrainian Parliament and formed own fraction. Special attention should devote to analysis of pre-election program of the party. Some postulates of the program are intertwined with other opposition groups; others are like postulates of Party of Regions. Among the most controversial postulates are conducting a process of lustration, prohibition of Communist Party of Ukraine, prohibition of abortion, permission for possession of firearms, returning Ukraine nuclear status, change the status of Ukrainian Autonomous Republic of Crimea in to district, reduce energy dependence from Russia and strengthen cooperation with the Baltic-Black Sea axle.

2

Internetowa reklama wyborcza a reklama w „starych” mediach w polskich kampaniach parlamentarnych w latach 2001‑2015

100%

Żurawski J.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 48

277-298

EN

In this paper the author discusses the issues of popularity of electoral advertising in the “old” and “new” media. He proposes four theses about the use of such type of advertising in Poland. The issues discussed include: spending on campaign ads in the “old” media; spending on campaign ads on the Internet, spending on communication services other than advertising, determining the types of election campaigns (modern or post‑modern). The author discusses the financial reports submitted after each campaign by electoral committees to the National Electoral Commission and on this basis the research hypotheses are verified. In addition, the paper briefly describes the evolution of forms of political advertising on the Internet and television. The study makes it possible to formulate opinions about the direction of development of electioneering forms in Poland at the beginning of 21stcentury.

3

Udział w wyborach Solidarnej Polski Zbigniewa Ziobro w latach 2014–2015

100%

Wicherek D.

Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie

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2017

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vol. 22

36-50

EN

Analyzes of individual election campaigns in which the Solidarna Polska party took part showed the dominant position of Law and Justice on the right side of the political scene. Jarosław Kaczyński’s party, receiving 37.58% of votes in the parliamentary elections in 2015, as the first after 1989, independently took over the governments. Zbigniew Ziobro’s party undertook program activities and initiatives that would distinguish it from the PiS and contribute to the fact that it would become an alternative to right-wing voters. Unfortunately, she did it without much success. Solidarna Polska managed to win a small electorate, and support not exceeding 5% did not make it a strong party dominating the right and threatening Law and Justice.

4

Niemcy śląscy w wyborach do parlamentu polskiego w latach 1922–1930 a kwestia liczebności Niemców w województwie śląskim

100%

Wnętrzak G.

Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

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2017

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vol. 10

67-85

PL

The article presents a correlation between the size of the German population in the interwar period in the Silesian voivodeship and the results achieved by German electoral lists in the elections to the Polish parliament in 1922–1930. The author not only indicates significant differences between the numbers declared in the German census and the results of the elections, but also tries to find out the cause of this situation. He also discusses the differences between the various parts of the voivodship, especially between Prussian and Austrian Silesia (Cieszyn Silesia), showing how the different levels of Polish national consciousness and regional separatism in these two parts influenced the outcome of the elections for the German minority.

5

The Position of Carpathian Ruthenia in the Political System of the First Czechoslovak Republic on the Background of the Issue of Parliamentary Elections and Preferences of Main Political Currents by Carpathian-Ruthenian Voters (1918–1938)

100%

Tóth A.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2016

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vol. 6

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issue 1

57-77

EN

The study focuses, in the context of the position of Carpathian Ruthenia in the political system of the First Czechoslovak Republic, on the issue of the parliamentary elections, specifically on the representation of Carpathian Ruthenia in the Czechoslovak National Assembly. Within the issue of the parliamentary election, it highlights particularly the uneven limitations of the rules for election to the National Assembly for Carpathian Ruthenia, putting at disadvantage the easternmost tip of interwar Czechoslovakia in the central legislative body of the country. From the perspective of the political situation, it also summarizes the political stratification of the voters of the easternmost tip of the Czechoslovak Republic of that time, from the perspective of the Carpathian-Ruthenian results of the four parliamentary elections of the First Republic.

6

The Catholic Church in Poland as an Entity Influencing Parliamentary Elections (1989-2010)

100%

Kowalczyk K.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2012

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vol. 41

472-485

EN

Various aspects of the term Catholic Church can be considered: theological, sociological, legal or politological. For the purpose of this article the defi nition of the Church as formulated by political science will be essential, although in this discipline various connotations exist. The Church is referred to as a denomination, religious community, an interest group or a political entity. Among authors writing about the Church as a denomination are Wolfgang Ernst Böckenförde and Heindrun Abromeit. Both of them focus on the spiritual-religious aspect of Church activities, at the same time emphasizing that political activity is not the principal aim of the Church. Broader theories of Church activities as an interest group are presented by Carolyn M. Warner and Dietrich Hierlemann. Classifying the Catholic Church as an interest group C.M. Warner claims that this institution makes eff orts to get preferential treatment by political authorities, and its goal is to gain certain resources from the economic and political systems. The Church attempts to lobby democratic governments through political parties and other means, as it intends to have an infl uence on the educational system, impose its moral values on society through legislation, or retain certain tax reliefs. The Church tries to provide its members with certain collective goods (such as answers to moral and philosophical dilemmas), affiliation-based (e.g. cult site), or individual incentives (e.g. sacraments). The Catholic Church, therefore, in addition to an organized religion, can be referred to as an untypical interest group D. Hierlemann similarly states that the Church acts as a representative of interests and a lobbyist that attempts to make infl uential contacts, establish good relations with decision makers and play for resources. The Church acting in the secular sphere is subject to the same priciples as other associations (Verbände). This entity tries to promote its interests in the political process. In reference to theories describing the functioning of associations in the lay-political area we can examine the activities of the Church within the political system. From this perspective D. Hierlemann analyzes various forms of lobbying done by the Catholic Church in Poland.

7

Rola mediów społecznościowych w komunikacji partii politycznych i podejmowaniu decyzji wyborczych przez ich wyborców

100%

Bodys M.

Political Preferences

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2016

|

issue 12

165-179

EN

The role of using of social media by the Polish political parties to communicate with internet users is still growing. Aricticle shows how voters are assessing credibility of political parties’ communication in social media and how they evaluate the impact of this communication on their decisions on election day. Article is based on polle results which was conducted after the parliamentary elections in 2015. The voter assessed communiation of political parties such as: Civic Platform, Law and Justice, Kukiz’15, Polisch People’s Party, United Left, .Modern, Together.

8

Prawomocność bez legitymizacji asymetrycznego parlamentu. Przyspieszone wybory parlamentarne w Macedonii w 2014 r.

89%

Mikucka-Wójtowicz D.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2015

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issue 2

53-68

EN

This paper is devoted to the snap parliamentary elections in Macedonia, which took place on 27 April 2014. The main initiator of the early elections was the DUI, which represents the interests of the Albanian minority and was the junior coalition partner in the government led by Nikola Gruevski from the VMRO-DPMNE. The DUI’s activists did not want to advocate the candidacy of the incumbent head of state, Gjorge Ivanov, who was seeking re-election. After the elections the SDSM, the main rival of the ruling VMRO-DPMNE, has not recognised the result and refused to take up their parliamentary seats.

PL

Niniejszy artykuł jest poświęcony analizie przedterminowych wyborów parlamentarnych w Macedonii, które odbyły się 27 kwietnia 2014 roku. Ich głównym inicjatorem była reprezentująca interesy mniejszości albańskiej DUI, która dotychczas pełniła rolę koalicjanta rządzącej VMRO-DPMNE premiera Nikoli Gruevskiego. Kością niezgody, która doprowadziła do przedterminowej elekcji, była odmowa poparcia przez działaczy DUI kandydatury wspieranego przez konserwatystów i ubiegającego się o reelekcję szefa państwa - Borde Ivanova. Mimo to po wyborach doszło do odnowienia dotychczas rządzącej koalicji. Natomiast główny rywal VMRO-DPMNE - SDSM nie uznała ich wyników i konsekwentnie od kilku miesięcy odmawia objęcia zdobytych mandatów.

9

Progressive and conservative rhetoric in political advertising

89%

Piontek D.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2019

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issue 3

5-14

PL

Punktem wyjścia badania referowanego w niniejszym artykule jest koncepcja retoryki progresywnej i konserwatywnej Hugh Ranka. Stosowane w reklamie, typy te są pochodną stosunku podmiotu działającego do określonej korzyści i charakteryzują się pewnymi stałymi cechami. Celem badania było zweryfikowanie założenia, że w oparciu o analizę komunikatów reklamowych konkretnych podmiotów politycznych uprawnione jest wnioskowanie, czy ubiegają się one o reelekcję, czy też aspirują do władzy, której aktualnie nie mają. Przedmiotem badań były treści reklamowe sponsorowane przez komitety wyborcze, emitowane podczas polskiej kampanii parlamentarnej w 2015 r. w ramach bloków audycji wyborczych przez TVP, którą do nieodpłatnej emisji reklam obliguje ustawodawca. Analiza ma charakter jakościowy i dokonana została w oparciu o spoty wyborcze komitetów, których kampania zakończyła się sukcesem, tzn. które zdobyły reprezentację parlamentarną.

EN

The starting point of the study referred to in this article is the Hugh Rank’s concept of progressive and conservative rhetoric. Used in advertising, these two types are derived from the actor’s attitude to a particular benefit and are characterized by certain permanent features. The aim of the study was to verify the assumption that based on the analysis of advertising messages of specific political entities, it is legitimate to conclude whether they are seeking re-election or aspiring to power they do not currently have. The subject of the study was advertising content sponsored by election committees, broadcast during the Polish parliamentary campaign in 2015 as part of free of charge blocks of election programs by TVP. The analysis is of a qualitative nature and was made on the basis of electoral spots of committees whose campaigns were successful, i.e. which won parliamentary representation.

10

Polityka zagraniczna i bezpieczeństwo w programach wyborczych partii politycznych podczas kampanii parlamentarnej 2019 r. w Ukrainie

88%

Pietnoczka P.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2021

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vol. 1

125-136

EN

The aim of the article is to present programme priorities concerning the foreign and security policy as proclaimed by political parties during the parliamentary campaign in 2019 in Ukraine. It shows how the parties intended to ensure state security, bring peace to Donbass, restore territorial integrity, and which countries and international organisations they saw as the main allies of Ukraine on the way to achieving these objectives. The election programs of individual political parties were analysed, with the focus on the postulates of those parties which received at least three percent of the support in the election, i.e. Servant of the People, Opposition Platform – For Life, Fatherland, European Solidarity, Voice, Radical Party of Oleh Lyashko, Strength and Honor and Opposition Bloc.

11

2020 parliamentary elections in Georgia: Results and geographical peculiarities

88%

Gachechiladze R., Gogsadze G.

European Spatial Research and Policy

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2021

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vol. 28

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issue 2

211-226

EN

The article aims to show the main political-geographic trends of the 2020 parliamentary elections in Georgia. The political systems of the post-Soviet counties are still imperfect and fragile. Although international observers recognised the vote results in Georgia as legitimate, many opposition parties boycotted the parliament for almost six months. It took several western officials to engage in regulating the post-election crisis. The work focuses on analysing turnout and voting patterns pointing to the changes that occurred in the last decade. A geographical study of elections enables one to identify the merits and drawbacks of the electoral process from the regional standpoint. The findings of the work underline the complexity of the election outcomes. While certain legal and political changes bring Georgia closer to European democracies, the country still lags in terms of several electoral/geographical features.

12

Parliamentary Elections in Italy 2013 Struggle Between Demagogy and Pragmatism

88%

Woźniak J.

Reality of Politics

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2013

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issue 4

336-355

EN

Parliamentary elections in Italy, which took place on 24 – 25 February 2013 in a very specific political circumstances caused by economical crisis and the internal situation of the Italian State.The fall of the Silvio Berlusconi’s government and replacement it with a technical government did not improve the internal situation of the country, and indeed it has deepened. The withdrawal of support by the Popolo della Libertàto the government of Prime Minister Mario Monti has caused the need for early parliamentary elections. On the political scene appeared new political parties, including Movimento Cinque Stelle (Five Stars Movement), which stood out from the traditionally corrupt politics and proposed a new form of campaign, using such means as the Internet, blogs, and tour around the country. The new group has also set up outgoing Prime Minister Mario Monti called Scelta Civica (Civic Choice) aided by the smaller parties which were in the Parliament and supported of the European Union austerity policies. In addition, in the election participated the Democratic Party, the Northern League and the Popolo della Libertà (People of Freedom). In total, their participation in the elections reported 215 political parties. Elections minimally won leftist Democratic Party with a score of 29.54% (Chamber of Deputies). Surprisingly Popolo dellaLibertà of Silvio Berlusconi received 29.13% (Chamber of Deputies). But the biggest winner was the Five Star Movement, which won 25.55% of the seats, while the biggest loser was the group of Mario Monti, because he received only 10.54% of votes. The result above shows that the creation of the coalition will be very difficult. Political class will have to regain the trust of the society to be able to make the necessary reforms to cure the economical situation of Italy and they should focus on the problems of the country and not the Silvio Berlusconi’s excesses.

13

Druhé parlamentní volby v poválečném Maďarsku v roce 1922 – usměrnění volebního práva ve prospěch Bethlenovy vládní Jednotné strany

88%

Tóth A.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2013

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vol. 21

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issue 2

31-80

EN

The study summarizes the issue of adaptation of the right to vote in interwar Hungary at the occasion of the second Parliamentary election of 1922 by the government of Count István Bethlen in favor of the United Party (Egységes Párt) established by him. The study analyzes the issue of adaptation of the right to vote from autumn 1919 that was standardized in the end only at the level of a government decree and not by a law passed by the National Assembly even in 1922. The adopted new rules of the right to vote are summarized in comparison with the right to vote from November 1919 that was passed under the so called Concentration Cabinet of Károly Huszár but they had been defined under István Friedrich’s government administration already. The form of the pre-election political scene of Hungary at the beginning of 1922 is summarized as well. The election results are described in detail by individual parties or political directions and the description of the social composition of the second postwar Hungarian National Assembly, again in comparison with the first term of office of the temporary legislative assembly of so called Horthyan Hungary is included, too.

14

Subcarpathia in the perspective of parliamentary elections in 2015

88%

Szczepański D.

Political Preferences

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2016

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issue 13

165-179

EN

Subcarpathian voivodeship that was formed in 1999 as a result of the administrative reform preserved voting traditions from all former voivodeships that comprise the current territorial unit of the country. It is noteworthy that the most important factors that significantly influenced electoral preferences of the Subcarpathia voivodeship were dominating electoral habits after 1989; electoral system elements, selected socio-economic indicators, as well as historical and religious determinants. The abovementioned factors are also supported by the positively verified partitions hypothesis, according to which it is assumed that in each partition area different patterns of political culture as well as various dominating political and ideological orientations were formed. This process was determined by policies of partitioning powers towards Polish citizens in the annexed areas, as well as the character and way of organising state by the partitioning powers, the level of their economic and cultural development. It is by means of following tradition that the above patterns are passed from generation to generation, which firstly confirms its timelessness, and secondly finds its reflection in election results in Subcarpathia.

15

Media Visibility Index as a Tool for Measuring the Presence of Political Parties in the Media: Case of Polish Parliamentary Election Campaign in 2019

88%

Klepka R.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2023

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issue 4(52)

5-16

EN

The problem of media visibility of politicians and political parties is at the heart of the interest of political communication researchers. Theoretical reflections and empirical studies focus on numerous media presence determinants. At the same time, attempts to identify the media visibility of political actors in specific periods, such as the particularly important for democracy period of the election campaign preceding the parliamentary election, are relatively rare. This study is intended to fill that gap. It proposes a simple research tool in the form of a media visibility index, which makes it possible to calculate and compare the visibility of electoral committees in selected media during the election campaign. The tool was used to determine the visibility of electoral committees taking part in the 2019 parliamentary elections in Poland in two TV news services “Wiadomości” and “Fakty”, and three weekly opinion magazines “Newsweek”, “Polityka” and “Sieci”. The data to calculate the index was gathered through manual content analysis of the studied media conducted six weeks before the day of the parliamentary elections.

16

ПОЛІТИЧНА КРИЗА У СЛОВАЧЧИНІ 1947 РОКУ

75%

Vovkanych І., Shnitser I.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

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2022

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issue 31

285-300

EN

The article is devoted to the coverage of the political crisis in Slovakia in 1947, which for the Czech and Slovak communists, became a kind of dress rehearsal for the future nationwide putsch of 1948. The research methodology is based on general scientific and special scientific methods, allowing the authors to avoid inconsistency, imprecision, and detachment from the objective historical process. The article's authors note that the impetus for the political crisis of 1947 was the victory of the Democratic Party in the parliamentary elections of 1946 in Slovakia. This prevented the further strengthening of the position of the communists in the national system of state power by creating the prerequisites for forming an anti-communist bloc of Czech and Slovak parties. The victory of the Democratic Party in Slovakia also stood in the way of the rapid implementation of socialist transformations on the Soviet model. To avoid political isolation and clear the way for the communization of Slovakia, the communist parties of the republic started a struggle against the Democratic Party to remove it from power. The article highlights the communists' accusation against the Democratic Party of supporting the reactionary forces of the state, connections with the people's underground and emigration. The authors did not ignore the influence of external factors and attempts of the communists to use in the fight against the democrats the dissatisfaction of partisans and the left wing of the Resistance movement with the course of “purges” of Slovak national bodies from reactionary elements. The authors of the article state that the DP leadership was not ready for an aggressive communist attack, and the expected help from the Czech democratic parties did not come. The latter believed the claims of the communists that there was a real threat of separatism and a repetition of the events of “March 14, 1939” in Slovakia. As a result, through a discrediting campaign, fabrication of cases of state “enemies”, threats of mass strikes by supporters, and provocation of a government crisis, the communists managed to eliminate the majority of the Democratic Party in the Slovak national bodies, legitimately existing as a result of the 1946 elections, and to strengthen their own positions in Slovakia. The political crisis of 1947 opened the way for Slovakia to slide from democracy to dictatorship

17

Percepcja nierówności dochodowych a poparcie polskich partii politycznych w latach 2007–2015

75%

Czerniak A., Graca-Gelert P., Łuczyn R.

Przegląd Socjologiczny

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2018

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vol. LXVII (67)

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issue 2

9-33

PL

W artykule został omówiony wpływ percepcji nierówności dochodowych na preferencje polityczne Polaków w latach 2007–2015. Badane były przy tym zarówno zmiany akceptacji nierówności dochodowych, jak też oceny zasadności podziału dochodu w społeczeństwie. Ocena wpływu tych zmian na preferencje polityczne, w tym zwłaszcza na poparcie partii opowiadających się za zwiększeniem redystrybucji dochodów przez państwo, została dokonana za pomocą analizy statystycznej na zagregowanych danych o poparciu partii politycznych oraz analizy ekonometrycznej mikrodanych z badań ankietowych. Z przeprowadzonych obliczeń wynika, że percepcja nierówności dochodowych, a w szczególności ocena ich zasadności, stała się po globalnym kryzysie jedną z determinant decyzji wyborczych Polaków. Osoby oceniające nierówności dochodowe jako niezasadne i zbyt wysokie z większym prawdopodobieństwem głosowały na partie opowiadające się za redystrybucją dochodów.

EN

The article discusses the relationship between the perception of income inequalities and the political preferences of Poles between the 2007 and 2015 parliamentary elections. Changes in the acceptance and assessed fairness of income inequalities are examined. The impact of these changes on political preferences, in particular, the support of parties advocating an increase in the redistribution of income, is evaluated with statistical analysis on aggregated data and econometric analysis at a micro level. The analysis reveals that the perception of income inequalities, and especially the assessment of their fairness, became an important determinant of Poles’ electoral decisions after the global financial crisis. People who assessed income inequalities as unfair and too high became more eager to vote for parties that supported the redistribution of income.

18

Upartyjnienie versus personalizacja jako czynniki determinujące zachowania wyborcze w krajowych elekcjach w 2015 roku

75%

Szczepański D.

Political Preferences

|

2016

|

issue 12

73-88

EN

The aim of the article was to present factors that determined voting behaviour of citizens in national elections in 2015 in the perspective of party and personal attitudes of the interviewees. Except for presenting conclusions that result from the course of the research process in the aforementioned range, also the elements that could have affected eventual responses of the interviewees were indicated. These include changes at the position of PO (civic platform) leaders, appearance of new political entities (Ryszard Petru’s Nowoczesna, Together Party, Kukiz’15), or unification processes on the political right, and partially on the left. Personal conflicts and ways of conducting the campaign that could have affected attitudes of voters were also indicated.

19

Heterogeniczność przestrzenna postaw wyborczych mieszkańców gminy Uniejów w wyborach europejskich i parlamentarnych w 2019 roku

75%

Kurzyk P.

Biuletyn Uniejowski

|

2020

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vol. 9

133-146

PL

Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje zróżnicowanie postaw wyborczych mieszkańców gminy Uniejów podczas głosowań w 2019 r. Wybory, które odbyły się w zeszłym roku, miały charakter zarówno ponadnarodowy (wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego), jak i krajowy (wybory parlamentarne). Zachowania wyborcze, które uwzględniono w pracy, obejmowały poparcie dla poszczególnych partii oraz frekwencję.

EN

This article presents the variety of electoral choices of Uniejów municipality inhabitants in 2019 elections, which had a supranational (European Parliament) as well as a national (Polish Parliament) dimension. The electoral decisions that were taken into account in this study included support for the different parties and voter turnout.

20

Preferencje milczącego elektoratu . Straty poparcia komitetów wyborczych w wyniku absencji wyborczej studentów w 2015 roku

75%

Butrym M.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2018

|

vol. 57

35-53

EN

On the basis of literature, the article characterises voting activity of the youngest electorate (18–24 years old) in the parliamentary elections in 2015. The importance of the youth support for the election results is emphasised. Then, the results of author’s own research on a randomly selected group of students from Lublin and Olsztyn are presented. Particular attention is paid to the electoral absenteeism of students, its causes and voting preferences in the election if they had participated in the elections. As non-voting students pointed to election committees Kukiz’15 and Korwin, it should be concluded that these two election committees lost most on low turnout of the youth and student voters.

PL

W artykule na podstawie literatury scharakteryzowano aktywność wyborczą najmłodszego elektoratu (18–24 lata) w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2015 roku. Podkreślono znaczenie poparcia młodzieży dla wyników wyborów. Następnie przedstawiono wyniki własnych badań przeprowadzonych na losowo dobranej grupie studentów uniwersytetów w Lublinie i w Olsztynie. Uwagę zwrócono na absencję wyborczą studentów, jej przyczyny oraz na odpowiedź, kogo poparliby w wyborach (i dlaczego), gdyby wzięli w nich udział. Ponieważ niegłosujący (non voters) studenci głównie wskazali komitet wyborczy Kukiz’15 i komitet wyborczy KORWiN, należy uznać, że te dwa ugrupowania najwięcej straciły na braku frekwencji młodych, studenckich wyborców.

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Политическая программа Всеукраинского Объединения „Свобода” и перспективы ее реализации

Internetowa reklama wyborcza a reklama w „starych” mediach w polskich kampaniach parlamentarnych w latach 2001‑2015

Udział w wyborach Solidarnej Polski Zbigniewa Ziobro w latach 2014–2015

Niemcy śląscy w wyborach do parlamentu polskiego w latach 1922–1930 a kwestia liczebności Niemców w województwie śląskim

The Position of Carpathian Ruthenia in the Political System of the First Czechoslovak Republic on the Background of the Issue of Parliamentary Elections and Preferences of Main Political Currents by Carpathian-Ruthenian Voters (1918–1938)

The Catholic Church in Poland as an Entity Influencing Parliamentary Elections (1989-2010)

Rola mediów społecznościowych w komunikacji partii politycznych i podejmowaniu decyzji wyborczych przez ich wyborców

Prawomocność bez legitymizacji asymetrycznego parlamentu. Przyspieszone wybory parlamentarne w Macedonii w 2014 r.

Progressive and conservative rhetoric in political advertising

Polityka zagraniczna i bezpieczeństwo w programach wyborczych partii politycznych podczas kampanii parlamentarnej 2019 r. w Ukrainie

2020 parliamentary elections in Georgia: Results and geographical peculiarities

Parliamentary Elections in Italy 2013 Struggle Between Demagogy and Pragmatism

Druhé parlamentní volby v poválečném Maďarsku v roce 1922 – usměrnění volebního práva ve prospěch Bethlenovy vládní Jednotné strany

Subcarpathia in the perspective of parliamentary elections in 2015

Media Visibility Index as a Tool for Measuring the Presence of Political Parties in the Media: Case of Polish Parliamentary Election Campaign in 2019

ПОЛІТИЧНА КРИЗА У СЛОВАЧЧИНІ 1947 РОКУ

Percepcja nierówności dochodowych a poparcie polskich partii politycznych w latach 2007–2015

Upartyjnienie versus personalizacja jako czynniki determinujące zachowania wyborcze w krajowych elekcjach w 2015 roku

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