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Parlamentaryzm europejski Ryszard M. Małajny Wydawnictwo Sejmowe, Warszawa 2019, s. 780

100%
Lis-Staranowicz D.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2020
|
issue 4(159)
237-249
EN
The book European Parliamentarism is an exceptional work because the author conducts a multi-faceted discourse, analyzing the institution referred to in the title from the perspective of the history of political and legal doctrines, constitutional law, political science, experiences of Poland, Germany, Great Britain, France and other European countries. The author takes the reader on a ride not only through decades, but also through the years of the development of the parliamentary system in Europe, its strengthening and transformation. In view of the rich content of the book, the review discusses the issue of the relationship between the Council of Ministers and the Sejm, presented from the perspective of R.M. Małajny, who observes the political scene and analyzes constitutional solutions implemented in Poland. Based on that relationship the author believes that the Council of Ministers plays the lead role among the constitutional bodies of the state, although it has no democratic authority thereto. Constitutional powers of the Sejm, which is the representative body of the nation, do not allow for the expression of the opinion „on its preponderance in the system of authorities of the Republic of Poland”.
2
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System parlamentarno-gabinetowy w Królestwie Włoch przed I wojną światową

75%
Rakowski M.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2014
|
issue 1(120)
95-115
EN
The author discusses the functioning of the parliamentary-cabinet system in Italy before the First World War. This model of government was brought into use in the Kingdom of Sardinia, shortly after the entry into force of the Albertine Statute (1848), and then was applied in the united monarchy in which the Statute was recognized as a Basic Law. The then Italian parliamentary system was based solely on practice, and not on the provisions of the Constitution, according to which ministers were appointed and dismissed by the monarch. Discussing the Italian parliamentary system , the author shows that the vote of censure could either take the form of an explicit resolution of the Chamber of Deputies containing demand for resignation of the Cabinet or a vote could be implied if the reason for the resignation of the government was the defeat in the parliamentary vote, for example, on the bill. The author also discusses the tools of parliamentary oversight over the executive used in the Kingdom of Italy and views on the political responsibility of the government presented the former Italian literature.
3
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Posłowie i senatorowie w składach gabinetów II Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1919−1939. Prawo i praktyka parlamentarna

63%
Tusiński P. A.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2015
|
issue 6(131)
103-130
EN
Political and parliamentary systems of the Second Republic of Poland in the fi rst years of its existence was based on the European continental models, mostly the French ones. This remark concerns also the issue of parliamentarisation of ministerial posts, also referred to as mutual interpenetration of the legislative and executive powers. During the operation of the Legislative Sejm (1919–1922) the legal basis of constitutional practices in this area was provided by customary law, raised to constitutional rank under the Basic Law of 1921 and — despite the formal break with a parliamentary-cabinet system provided for by April Constitution of 1935 — effectively operating as positive-law norm of an ordinary statute. The characteristic traits of Polish parliamentary practice of the 20-year interwar period include: extension of the possibility of holding positions in government jointly with the exercise of a parliamentary mandate on the office of the undersecretary of state, parliamentary ministers serving on the so-called expert (non-parliamentary) cabinets and the participation of expert Ministers (in 1919–1922 even numerically predominating) in the composition of “ministries” created by a coalition of Sejm (parliamentary) factions. The practice of appointing Deputies and Senators to governments was continued in the period following the May coup, and even intensifi ed in the 1930s, despite the fact that they were of a purely extra-parliamentary nature. It should be noted, however, that if under the parliamentary-cabinet system the mutual interpenetration of legislative and executive was aimed, in general, to enhance cooperation between these two constitutional institutions, under the reign of Sanacja it rather refl ected either the fi ght against parliamentarism (breaking the internal cohesion of political groups represented in the Sejm) or political and personal struggles within its leadership.
4

Pomiędzy państwem prawnym a autorytaryzmem. Z polskich rozważań nad poszukiwaniem optymalnego ustroju państwa po odzyskaniu niepodległości w III Rzeczypospolitej

63%
Bosiacki A.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
|
2016
|
vol. 38
|
issue 4
97-118
EN
The article presents an analysis of selected considerations of Polish political discussions about the shortcomings of the parliamentary system and their antidote in the form of an authoritarian system. The point of departure is an analysis of the idea of a legal state (Rechtsstaat), well known in Congress Kingdom even before Poland regained its independence in 1918. It is also worthwhile to research the attempt of the integration the head of state into the parliamentary system, which was successfully applied between 1918 and 1922 when the Head of State institution was personali­zed by Józef Pilsudski. The analysis of the authoritarian thinking of Piłsudskis movement between 1926–1939 did not turn out as it had been declared, the sanation of state, and ideologically — also experienced — numerous social failures. Piłsudski’s legacy is present to some extent in contempo­rary Poland, with few exceptions (e.g. the concept of the common good), but one cannot speak of the legacy of authoritarianism. The idea of authoritarianism, however, remains less or more attrac­tive as the solution to the social pains of the Third Republic. As between 1918–1922 in Poland, it has now been possible to incorporate the president’s powers into the parliamentary system, where the head of state is not a purely decorative body (to a certain extent as a moderator of the empire). The list of constitutional values is also important. The underserved party system (before the war and now) is undoubtedly a negative political tendency, although such a system is not a developed state legal system. Paradoxically, however, it fosters anti-authoritarian tendencies.
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