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1

Dialektyka uniwersalizmu. Kryzys Europy w optyce Etienne’a Balibara

100%
Moll Ł.
Nowa Krytyka
|
2015
|
vol. 35
171-189
EN
In my article I try to read current Europe’s crisis by concepts derived from Etienne Balibar’s works. I use concepts such as universalism/particularism and border, to rethink two most serious dimensions of the crisis of the European Union: structural eurozone’s crisis and immigration crisis. The strong part of Balibar’s approach is conceptual interconnection between universalism and particularism, which enable us to understand the way in which discourse of austerity measures and discourse of anti-immigration articulate together. By connecting struggles against austerity and against racial discrimination in transnational manner, we can force European Union and member states to trigger the project of integration in more social, inclusive and democratic direction.
2

Między kanonem literackim a kulturą zwielokrotnioną

88%
Delaperrière M.
Postscriptum Polonistyczne
|
2016
|
issue 2(18)
11-22
EN
Contemporary cultural changes force Polish literary critics to constantly change their views on literature. Traditional literary canon is prone to stagnation and inertia, but multiculturalism may lead to a dangerous melting in the multiplied maze of cultural interconnections. Trying to overcome such antinomies, the author of the article focuses on the criteria that are important in the reception of Polish culture abroad. Literary canon is not regarded as a standard, but it is worth taking into consideration as an exposition of some general aesthetic, axio- logical and worldview changes.
3

The issue regarding “the reform of the union” of Lublin in Lithuanian policy in the period of three interregna following the death of king Sigismund Augustus (1572–1588)

88%
Kempa T.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2014
|
vol. 79
|
issue 4
53-88
PL
The Union of Lublin signed in 1569 between Poland and Lithuania created a kind of federation of two states ruled by one monarch elected by the szlachta from both states; moreover, both states had a common parliament and ran a common foreign and defence policy. The magnates, who played the key role in Lithuanian politics, unlike the Lithuanian szlachta – were not fully satisfied with the resolutions of the union of Lublin. Earlier they wanted to establish a less strict relationship with Poland, maintaining separate parliamentary systems. Nevertheless, King Sigismund Augustus’s support for the idea of a closer union, which was forced by the Poles, determined the shape of the new union. Additionally, in 1569 the Grand Duchy of Lithuania lost vast areas including the Kievan land, Volhynia, Bratslav land and Podlachia, which constituted over a third of the whole territory of the state. Lithuanian dignitaries found it extremely humiliating, for it was the king who fulfilled the demands of the Poles and incorporated the areas into Poland despite Lithuanian protests. After the death of Sigismund Augustus during the subsequent interregna (1572–1573, 1575–1576, 1586–1587) the leading Lithuanian magnates, particularly Mikołaj Radziwiłł ‘Rudy’ [‘the Red’] , Mikołaj Krzysztof Radziwiłł ‘Sierotka’ [‘the Orphan’] and Jan Chodkiewicz planned to regain the territories. They referred to the plan as the “reform of the union”. However, it turned out that they could not carry out the project without the support of the magnates and szlachta from the incorporated lands. The term the “reform of the union” also meant other changes that would secure the Grand Duchy of Lithuania a more equal position in the union with Poland. Few Lithuanian demands were fulfilled by the Polish party and the subsequent monarchs. Nevertheless, the confirmation of the new codification of Lithuanian law (III Statute) by King Sigismund III in 1588, which consolidated and, in some points, even extended the Lithuanian autonomy, was a momentous event for the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
4
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Hodnota filozofického skepticizmu

75%
Nuhlíček M.
Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)
|
2016
|
vol. 64
|
issue 5
675-690
EN
The aim of the first part of the article is to elucidate the nature of (modern) philosophical scepticism. The author defends the view that scepticism is not a homogenous doctrine, but a general label for heterogenous ways of sceptical argumentation. Sceptical argumentation is, in turn, understood to include any kind of philosophically relevant argument which aims at calling into doubt epistemically-valued qualities, especially knowledge. In the second part of the article the author focuses on the question of what constitutes the intrinsic value of philosophical scepticism. The author defends the thesis that philosophical scepticism has instrumental value as a tool for understanding knowledge. This thesis is the result of the application of a particularist approach to the problem of knowledge. Scepticism provides the material for thought experiments in the context of which findings about epistemic intuitions connected with knowledge can be revealed. In spite of this, scepticism is of value only in the form of a means and its value cannot be reduced to the value of other elements.
5
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Sukcesorzy Sejmu Wielkiego. Sejm Ustawodawczy 1919–1922: między budową nowoczesnej Polski a partykularyzmem politycznym

75%
Suleja W.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2019
|
issue 1(150)
255–263
EN
The article refers to the sejm elected on 26 January 1919. The parliamentary representation established on that day reflected electoral preferences of the society. The so-called Legislative Sejm was to create the systemic foundation of the renascent State — a modern foundation, suitable for the challenges of the time. The sejm comprised representatives of the intelligentsia and peasantry — those two socio-professional groups consisted 4/5 of the chamber’s composition. One of its first achievements was passing a resolution which became known as the so-called Small Constitution, which concisely regulated the most important systemic issues for the transition period, until the constitutional act is passed. Hence, the Sejm was a sovereign legislative body, closely cooperating with the Chief of State. Achievements of the Sejm comprise both social issues and matters related to the inexpedient reconstruction of the devastated state. Long-term systemic solutions aimed at modernizing the country referred to matters affecting the efficient integration process. This includes establishing the voivodeships as well as organizing the state finances (including taxes). The copestone of the reconstruction was the adoption of the Constitution of 17 March 1921. The achievements of the Legislative Sejm shall be assessed positively. It was the sejm which laid down the foundations of the renascent Republic, acting as the stabilizer, especially of the internal situation of the Polish State.
6
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The process of microRNAs discovery

65%
Kawalec P.
Zagadnienia Filozoficzne w Nauce
|
2020
|
issue 68
219-242
EN
The widespread particularist account of the onset of molecular biology that identifies it with the discovery of the DNA structure in 1953 has been recently contested. The paper contributes to this debate by focusing on a more recent discovery of small noncoding RNAs (microRNAs). First, it outlines a particularist account of the microRNAs discovery and the origins of the particularist predilection of the modern scientometric studies of science dynamics. Next, it discusses its limitations and proposes an alternative, modified processualist account of the discovery. In the final part, the paper applies this approach to unravel network dynamics of the research on the first two microRNAs that were discovered, namely lin-4 and let-7.
7
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O edukacji z perspektywy teorii i praktyki akademickiej i oświatowej (Głos w dyskusji)

63%
Ciążela A.
Przyszłość. Świat-Europa-Polska
|
2013
|
issue 1
85-90
EN
Projects to reform education in Poland cannot be based on traditional images of the future relating to visions inspired by solidarity slogans of 1970s and 1980s. They should be based on differentiation of the processes of interests and pursuit occurring in environments involved, for different reasons, in the shaping of educational processes. Firstly, these are attitudes of educated individuals who are increasingly affected by the awareness of the lack of connection between education and the future life situation, as well as a sense of generational community spirit. Among the organisers of educational processes, there are trends towards profit maximization and expenditure restraint. The future of education cannot be projected without referring to these two most important determinants.
PL
Koncepcje reformowania edukacji w Polsce nie mogą czynić punktem wyjścia tradycyjnych wyobrażeń o przyszłości opartych na wizjach inspirowanych przez hasła solidaryzmu z lat siedemdziesiątych i osiemdziesiątych XX wieku. Ich punktem wyjścia powinny być procesy różnicowania interesów i dążeń zachodzące w środowiskach zaangażowanych z różnych względów w modelowanie procesów edukacyjnych. Decydujące są tutaj postawy osób edukowanych, na które w coraz większym stopniu wpływ wywierają: świadomość braku związku między edukacją i przyszłą sytuacją życiową, oraz poczucie wspólnoty pokoleniowej. Wśród organizatorów procesów edukacyjnych dominują natomiast tendencje do maksymalizacji zysku i ograniczenia wydatków. Przyszłość edukacji nie może być projektowana bez odniesienia się w punkcie wyjścia do tych dwu najważniejszych determinant.
8
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Spekulace a tradice v moderní židovské filosofii

63%
Lyčka M.
Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)
|
2013
|
vol. 5
|
issue 1
61-66
EN
Jewish philosophy as a specific theoretical reflection of the Jewish historical and existential situation never separated from the religious experience of the Jewish people. Philosophy in general, originally a mode of thinking foreign to Judaism, due to the Diaspora existence became an issue that Judaism had to struggle and come to terms with. In this sense, Judaism never contributed anything radically original to the development of philosophical thought, its main achievement in this field being the application of philosophy to a traditional religious world view. Since the Enlightenment there have been attempts among philosophers of Jewish origin to emancipate themselves from their religious heritage and to think in a “purely” philosophical way, but the crisis of the rational and scientific ideal with its tragic connotations for the Jews proved to be a dead end for them. In modern Jewish philosophical thinking we can distinguish two convergent lines: On the one hand there are initially “universal” philosophers whom external pressure forced to return to their own religious tradition, on the other hand there are exceptional Talmudic and Hasidic figures that try to overcome the particularism of their own tradition and give it more universal meaning. A representative of the first kind is Hermann Cohen, while representatives of the second kind are Joseph Dov Soloveitchik and Abraham Joshua Heschel. The works of all those (and other) Jewish philosophers bring clear evidence that philosophical speculation can not rest on rational grounds alone, but it has to seek support in the religious texts of their own Jewish tradition.
9
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Eklezja siostrzana a realizm Kościoła partykularnego

63%
Moskałyk J.
Studia Koszalińsko-Kołobrzeskie
|
2016
|
issue 23
181-190
PL
Urzeczywistnienie grekokatolicyzmu w Polsce, zwłaszcza w ostatnim ponadpółwieczu, przyjmowało dosyć różnorodną formę i zakres. Było to związane głównie z czynnikami zewnętrznymi oraz stosunkowo niesprzyjającymi okolicznościami rozwoju wspólnoty, w związku z czym tożsamość wschodniego Kościoła katolickiego, jak też jego partykularyzm, przechodziły różne próby „samoocalenia”. Jednak ostatecznie Kościół ten zdołał zachować swoją odrębność partykularną. Poza tym można stwierdzić, że przez swój sposób oddziaływania przyczynił się do wzrostu poczucia więzi siostrzanych między Kościołami katolickimi obydwu obrządków oraz Kościołem katolickim i Kościołem prawosławnym.
EN
Every celebrations connected with baptism, including current rounds 1050 – of anniversary in Poland, should remind everyone baptized about their participation in the universal and endless value. Next membership in determined community, being real reflecting the baptismal nude, is supposed also to support tightening bonds between different options religious. Today it is possible to talk about the fact that in Poland since the certain time a completely different model already started prevailing of inside Catholic and inside Christian relations.
10
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Ojciec Jacek Woroniecki: Filozoficzne źródła i konsekwencje Rewolucji Francuskiej

51%
Kryk M.
Rocznik Tomistyczny
|
2019
|
vol. 8
197-213
EN
This article attempts to present the philosophical perspective of the causes of the French Revolution in terms of the eminent Polish ethicist and philosopher Fr Jacek Woroniecki. The thread of the revolution, in terms of its causes and consequences, is constantly present in the work of the Polish Dominican. Revolutionary according to Father Woroniecki is everything that reverses the natural relationship between things, destroys the inherent order of things, puts the interest of the part above the interest of the whole in social life, threatening to collapse the social organism. According to Woroniecki, individualism is the subsoil of the revolutionary element. Although present in the history of human thought, as a consequence of original sin, individualism experienced its apogee in the age of the Reformation. Luther's metaphysical egoism, defined by Maritain as self-centeredness, eventually penetrated all areas of human life, breaking social bonds. Descendant of Luther's egocentrism, Descartes, systematized Luther's thoughts in the intellectual field. Thanks to him, particularistic ideas prevailed over the traditional, universalist view of the social dimension of the progress of human thought. Another of the thinkers whose views have become a source of revolution is according to Father Woroniecki J.J. Rousseau. His sentimentalism, which is like a complement to Luther's egocentrism, in comparison with the views of Descartes, is the pinnacle of individualism in modern philosophical thought. These individualistic, anti-social currents, which were a consequence of the rejection of the philosophy of being, contributed to the complete decline of philosophical thought in the eighteenth century, thus paving the way for doctrinaires. Woroniecki accurately interprets utopian revolutionary slogans and points to the danger of apparent counterbalance to these trends, which was sought in the nineteenth century. Under the cloak of freedom, he unmasks individualist liberalism, the medicine for which socialism was to become. Then he points to envy as the foundation of egalitarianism, which, based on radicalism, became the driving force behind all totalitarianisms. He then exposes humanitarianism, which strikes at patriotism and in the name of universal slogans breaks social bonds. As an antidote to these threats, Father Woroniecki points to the doctrine of St. Thomas Aquinas as a synthesis of the thoughts of the entire human race, based on objective data of being and truth, which, with its universalism, objectivity and realism, transcends all partial systems and thus provides the basis for the unity of social life.
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