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EN
The aim of the article was to investigate whether the order of the candidates on the party lists has any significance and influence on the result of the election. The analysis is based upon the results of voting on regional lists four major political parties from the last four elections to the Parliament. The research found that the vast majority of voters vote for the leaders of the lists, regardless of the political options supported. If the candidate is placed lower on the list, he will get less votes from the Polish electorate. Therefore it was demonstrat-ed that the position of the candidate clearly determines his success in the elections. It was also observed that the chance of getting the mandate is dependent not only on the place occupied by the candidate, but also the percentage of support for the political party that he represents. It is important to note that the leaders of the party don’t get always the most votes from their list and not every ‘number one’ becomes a member of parliament.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyse the personalisation of Czech voters’ behaviour during the last two decades. This study examines if the effect of party leaders on party choice has increased as the vote personalisation literature suggests. Alternative explanations of party choice emphasise the stable role of cleavages and left-right orientation, leaving limited space for leadership effects and their growth. In addition, this paper also tests party-specific hypotheses. These hypotheses are tested using four Czech post-election surveys (1996–2013). Vote choices are modelled using stacked data matrices (for each election) and a logistic regression estimator. An instrumental variable approach is used to deal with the endogeneity between vote choice and party identification. The results show that there has been no increase in party leadership effects in the Czech Republic. Party leader effects are largely stable across the four elections examined. The article reveals that party leaders play a greater role in the decision-making calculus of voters of new populist non-leftist parties; however, the effects are not large.
PL
So far Poland has experienced extremely high levels of electoral volatility, which indicated a lack of strong links between political parties and voters. Thus, the assumption may be made that the electoral decision in Poland is based on substantive reasons, such as, for example, the closest to voters solutions to the most important problems, proposed by political parties. However, since 2005, in Poland we have had a strong emotional polarization of the political scene. Two major parties – Platforma Obywatelska [the Civic Platform] and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość [Law and Justice] − effectively managed the political conflict (by reference to social solidarity and liberalism) and polarized the Polish political scene, using the social processes (increasing economic and cultural differences), divided the Poles into two camps and provided foundations to form identification with the party, which according to the theory determines the electoral decision, regardless of other factors. This article aims to answer the question whether in the light of changes on the political scene the Poles’ electoral decision is driven by substantive assessment of the party or maybe cultural wars in Poland contributed to creating a relatively stable identification with the party determining the electoral decision irrespective of other factors. Empirical analyses on the parliamentary election of 2011 reveal that existing in Poland identification with parties strongly determines the voting decision, weakening then the impact of other variables, including socio-demographic ones. Nevertheless, some voters make a rational decision and choose the party best reflecting their political beliefs, or vote strategically.
EN
Despite numerous publications on the subject, there is still no agreement as to the sense of political marketing, its nature and aims. The article `The Impact of Voter Behaviour on the Time Span of Political Marketing' touches upon the fundamental issue of the essence of marketing activities on a political market. The author seeks to answer the question: Should (in the light of efficiency criterion) political marketing be only one of manifestations of a party's electoral activity, or should all party's activity - both between and during campaigns - be based on a long-term marketing strategy? The starting point is the analysis of theoretical models of voter behaviour supported with an empirical research carried out by the author from September 1997 to September 2001 in Poland. The conclusion of this analysis is that reducing marketing activities only to campaign communications curtails its efficiency. Therefore, all marketing activities should be based on a long-term marketing strategy which covers a party's activity both between and during election campaigns.
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