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Wyborcy wobec sposobu wyboru i zakresu władzy liderów polskich partii politycznych

100%
Tomczak Ł.
Political Preferences
|
2013
|
issue 6
61-74
EN
The article refers to the ratio of voters to choose the method and scope of leaders authority in the Polish political parties such as the Law and Justice party, Civic Platform, Polish Peasant Party, Palikot’s Movement and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). Most party leaders are elected by indirect suffrage. From the test batches only the leader of SLD had been once directly selected. The majority of respondents (both left-wing, right-wing and centrist) supported the idea of direct selection. However more often, a direct dial is in favor of left-wing voters. The scope of formal power increases with the leaders of the party from the left to the right point of the political spectrum. The subjects were different approach to the scope of authority of leaders. More left-wing voters were in favor of limiting their rights, right-wing supporters were often in favor of making authority leaders stronger. Internal regulations of the studied formations correspond to the expectations of voters as to the extent of its formal powers. However, differ as to the expected pattern of choice.
2
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The Impact of Having Children on Party Member Activism

88%
Kosiara-Pedersen K., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
|
2014
|
issue 1 (5)
PL
Party member activism varies in type and intensity, and it is necessary to take this into consideration when explaining the degree of participation. One potential explanation for the level of party member participation is the extent to which there are children in the household. Based on the Danish party member survey of 2012, analyses show: First, the cost of having children is more important when explaining more demanding activities than the less demanding activities, and, second, the impact of the cost of having children in the household is larger when including the intensity of participation in the dependent variable. Third, the smaller the children, the larger the cost and the larger the negative impact on party activism no matter what type or intensity. Furthermore, there are only limited gender differences in the impact of having children so that children, in particular in the young age group, do not have a larger impact on women than men, except when it comes to meeting attendance. In sum, children do have an impact on party member activism, and the gender gap in this effect is very limited.
3
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Obszary aktywności członków polskich partii politycznych z perspektywy zadań partii i aspiracji jej działaczy (grassroots)

71%
Wincławska M.
Przegląd Politologiczny
|
2020
|
issue 1
119-130
EN
Members of political parties perform different functions within and for their organizations. Political parties impose upon their members certain tasks and expect them to fulfil them for the common good of the party. The members at the same time have their own image of what do the parties expect of them, but they also have their own expectations towards the parties. The problem I raise in this article is the concurrence of these mutual expectations and activities: (1) perceptions of the tasks the party impose on the members, (2) actual tasks that are performed by the members, and finally their (3) expectations of what forms of activities they would like to undertake within and for their parties. The research was conducted among the members of: the Law and Justice (PiS), the Civic Platform (PO), the Modern (.N), the Polish People’s Party (PSL), the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and the Party Together (Razem). Members of these parties filled in questionnaires. As the result of the research it can be stated that the perception of the party expectations towards the members and the tasks they actually fulfil are considerably diverged from the activities they would like to perform. Most of all, the given and performed tasks do not satisfy their ambitions as to be the subjects of the party’s activities and decisions, but only individuals who perform instrumental and legitimising functions for their organizations.
PL
Działania członków partii politycznych w interesie ich macierzystych organizacji należą do ich najważniejszych funkcji. Z jednej strony partie nakładają na członków określone zadania i oczekują ich wypełnienia. Z drugiej strony członkowie będąc uczestnikami życia partyjnego mają swoje wyobrażenia na temat tego czego partie od nich oczekują oraz mają swoje oczekiwania wobec partii. Problem, który stawiam w tym artykule dotyczy zbieżności między: 1) postrzeganiem zadań stawianych członkom przez ich partie, 2) zadaniami rzeczywiście przez nich wykonywanymi oraz 3) oczekiwaniami żywionymi przez nich wobec partii odnośnie wypełnianych w partiach funkcji. Badaniem zostali objęci członkowie polskich partii politycznych: Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, Platformy Obywatelskiej, Nowoczesnej, Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego, Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej i Partii Razem, którzy odpowiadali na pytania zawarte w kwestionariuszach ankiet. W wyniku badania ustalono, że postrzeganie oczekiwań partii oraz wykonywane rzeczywiście zadania na rzecz swoich ugrupowań rozmijają się z oczekiwaniami członków. Przede wszystkim nie zaspokajają one ich ambicji bycia podmiotami działań partyjnych, wpływającymi na podejmowane decyzje, a nie tylko jednostkami wykonującymi zadania instrumentalne oraz legitymizacyjne na rzecz swoich ugrupowań.
4
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Formalne determinanty pozycji przywódców w strukturach pozaparlamentarnych partii politycznych w Polsce

63%
Hartliński M.
Prawo i Polityka
|
2015
|
issue 6
40-64
EN
The study is aimed at analysing the statutes of 76 political parties and constitutes an attempt at characterising the formal position of party leaders in the structures of Polish non-parliamentary parties. Formal conditions determining leadership in non-parliamentary parties may be characterised with references to a few issues. Almost all of such parties have either of two formally determined positions of the leader. This is chairman (35) and president (33). In the majority of the parties (44) the position of the leader is an independent body set apart in their organisational structure. In fewer parties, the leader is the head of a collegiate body. Classifying the hierarchy of party bodies, in the greatest number of cases the leader was not set apart (29). If it was done, the leader received the second (20) or the third (14) position. The leader almost always, as a result of the position he occupies, becomes a member of other key bodies in the party. In slightly more than half of the parties (39), the leader has an opportunity to decide about the choice of his closest collaborators thanks to the right to propose candidates to take such positions. The length of the term in office is also different in different parties, although the most common period is 4 years (31 parties). In 63 out of 71 parties the leader is chosen by the delegates of local structures during a national congress. As regards the proposed research hypothesis, non-parliamentary parties do not significantly differ from the mainstream parties. There are no considerable disproportions with reference to the applied terminology, selecting various bodies, solutions concerning terms of office, automatic election to the most important decision-making bodies, as well as methods of selecting the leaders. The only difference concerns the fact that in non-parliamentary parties the leader is often not set apart against other party bodies, which is a situation quite rare among the main political parties. As far as the distinguished indexes are concerned, there is of course some degree of variation, yet both parliamentary as well as non-parliamentary parties show similar tendencies in formal positioning of the leaders in their structures.
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