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Political Parties and Trade Unions in the Post–Communist Poland: Class Politics that Have Never a Chance to Happen

100%
Kamiński P., Rozbicka P.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2016
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vol. 45
191–204
EN
Trade unions in Poland have not built the stable and long–term relations with political parties as are observed in Western democracies. By analysing the historical and symbolic background of the transformation to a democratic civil society and free market economy, political preferences of working class, trade union membership rates, and public opinion polls, we argue that, in case of Poland, the initial links between political parties and trade unions weakened over time. Polish trade unions never had a chance to become a long–term intermediary between society and political parties, making the Polish case study a double exception from the traditional models.
2
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The Anti-systemness of the Protest Parties

100%
Michalak B.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2011
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vol. 40
110-121
EN
Last decades of the past century, as well as the current one, may be characterized by the increase of political role of the movements that are called “the protest parties.” Scholars, journalists and politicians put a lot of attention to that phenomenon. However, it is focused just on selected elements of the problem. Beginning from the 1980s European public opinion may observe the rise and development of groups of ecologists. The unexpected electoral success of the new type of party is called “the New Populism.” Back in the 1990s it caused many concerns, opinions and discussions on the issue whether such parties are harmful for modern and stabilized western European democracies. At the turn of the century the political scene has been dominated by new forms of activity, which are the anti-globalization and alternative globalization movements.
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Book review: Andrzej Antoszewski, “Parties and Party Systems in the EU Member States at the Turn of the 20th and 21st Centuries”, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2010, pp. 376

88%
Sielski J.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2010
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vol. 39
303-306
EN
The book by Andrzej Antoszewski consists of three parts. The first of them is of a theoretical character. The author analyses the concept of liberal democracy, trying to present the problems connected with this issue. In the second chapter, he discusses the idea of a party as a political institution and presents how the social and cultural changes influence its activity. In a very interesting way, he describes the conditions in which political parties in Central and Eastern Europe were established. He wonders whether the different circumstances in which they were formed have affected the way they operate and their mutual relations.
4
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Between Nation-Building and Contestation for Power: The Place of Party Politics in Nigeria, 1923-2019

88%
Ogunyemi A. O.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2020
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issue 4 (49)
51-71
EN
By May 29, 2019, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic and democracy had achieved an unprecedented 20 unbroken years of active partisan politics and representative democracy. The First Republic had lasted barely three years (1963-1966); the Second Republic and its democratic institutions lasted just four years (1979-1983) while the Third Republic (19921993) could barely hold its head for one year. Hence, by mid-2019, not many analysts have congratulated Nigeria for its longest democratic experience since its independence from Britain in 1960, but hardly did any of them identify the core reasons for such a sustained rule of democratic ethos for two decades. In this paper, we show the origin and practice of political parties in Nigeria. We argue that the country had succeeded in its Fourth Republic as a democratic country because its law and constitution together with the political culture of the people had permitted multiparty democracy by which governments had been formed, political inclusion and popular participation ensured, and public policies initiated. We also present an analysis of party politicking in the country from its beginning in 1923 and conclude that Nigeria has achieved meaningful and sustainable dividends of democracy in her Fourth Republic because of a maturing culture of partisan politics.
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THE RIVALRY STRATEGIES OF POLITICAL PARTIESIN ELECTIONS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF CITIZENS OF THE FREE AND HANSEATIC CITY OF HAMBURG

88%
Wroniszewska B., Ganowicz E.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2013
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vol. 42
109-138
EN
The author undertakes to discuss the problem of rivalry strategies of political parties in elections to the Citizens’ Assembly of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg. The broadness and multidimensional character of the subject area requires moving beyond the limits of political science and entering other related domains, like broadly-conceived historical sciences, also reaching for a number of establishments within legal-historical domains. Firmly grounded historical, legal, polity-related and political aspects of the unification of Germany in the context of German federalism, encouraged and obligated the author, to attempt to bring the above problem up to date. I think that thanks to a broader analysis of elections to the Hamburg Citizens’ Assembly over the last 50 years, the real state of the problem area can acquire a fuller context, with an emphasis on the foundations of local government functioning. To prepare this paper I made use of Polish and German sources published by Polish, American and German researchers. Polish and German literature offered a valuable source to become acquainted with the history and the foreseeable future of Hamburg’s local government, in particular – the assumptions behind territorial and functional reforms, the evolution of which we have been able to follow in the Federal Republic of Germany since the 1970s.
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A Critical Assessment of a Eurosceptic Party Group on European Integration: A Case Study of the European Conservatives and Reformists Group

88%
Akbaba S.
Baltic Journal of European Studies
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2014
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vol. 4
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issue 1
97-118
EN
The article explores Euroscepticism and the way it is utilized within the politics of Europe, analyzed upon evidence from a Eurosceptic Euro-party located in the European Parliament, namely the European Conservatives and Reformists Group (ECR). The aim of this article is to clarify that the selected party> disproves the argument of EU- criticism being an unfavourable condition, and, more importantly, its contribution to the political contestation in the EU. For such an assessment, a survey of the party> manifesto, party working documents, as well as the discourses of the Member of the European Parliament (MEPs) will be analyzed, and the concept of Euroscepticism will be once again in the centre of this analysis. This argument is evaluated based on the transnational-level analysis of the aforementioned party, focusing primarily on three specific issues-the democratic deficit, the issue of sovereignty! and anti-immigration rhetoric.
7
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Lithuanian Election 2016: the Mainstream Left and Right Rejected by Voters Angry with the Establishment

75%
Valentinavicius V.
Political Preferences
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2017
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issue 14
19-34
EN
In the 2016 Lithuanian parliamentary election the established political parties suffered an unexpected and crippling defeat at the hand of the Lithuanian Peasant and Green Union (Lietuvos valstiečių ir žaliųjų sąjunga, LVŽS), a populist one-size-fits-all formation. The aim of this article is to identify and analyze major reasons of the populist victory in Lithuania in the context of global trend of trumpisation of politics. The traditional message of the establishment parties to take care of the economy, to advance foreign investment and improve business climate did not appeal to voters, while the LVŽS made a point of talking about issues people wanted to hear: the need to tackle social exclusion and poverty; to address the privileged position of big business; to fight endemic corruption; to deal with the underfunding of education and culture. The electoral message of the winner combines the hard left promise of radical change on socioeconomic issues and the far right conservative approach to identity politics, human rights, minority rights, gender equality, and refugees. The LVŽS did its best to look as an anti-establishment, anti-party politics force, a loose and wide amalgam of contrasting personalities and contradicting messages. At the same time, the major factor behind the ‘revolutionary’ victory for radical change seems to be the inability of the mainstream parties to sense the change of sentiment of the electorate and to address the growing grievances of the public. The Lithuanian anti-establishment revolt is being compared with Donald Trump’s victory in the US, Brexit in the UK, Poland after the last election in 2015, and Hungary under Victor Orban.
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The Vanishing Lists: Collecting and Matching Parliamentary Candidate Data in Romania

75%
Chiru M.
ASK. Research and Methods
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2016
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vol. 25
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issue 1
61-76
EN
Publishing and preserving detailed information about candidates running for public office is a form of accountability and a precondition for the production of reliable academic knowledge about electoral and partisan politics. This article offers a guide to researchers interested in collecting candidate data in environments where both politicians who design and civil servants who administer the electoral process have a limited understanding of the relevance of such data and where their bureaucratic capacity is underdeveloped. It does so by focusing on the case of Romania, where no complete registry of candidatures at parliamentary elections exists and key information about the candidates running in the 1990–2000 elections seems to have been lost forever. We employ process tracing and an in-depth analysis of legal documents to reveal the causes of this outcome. The article describes how a team of researchers devised and implemented several research strategies to cope with scarce data, the various types of logistical or methodological obstacles encountered and the solutions used in order to recover data and build a new, matched dataset of Romanian parliamentary candidates.
9
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The Ways of Enrichment and its Interpretations in Hungarian Politics after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867

75%
Cieger A.
Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.
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2015
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vol. 7
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issue 1
34-65
EN
During the long 19th century both the state and society underwent substantial changes that had signifi cant eff ects on the world of politics in Hungary. The transformations can be subsumed under such collective terms as passage from a social and economic structure based on privileges and orders to capitalism, the birth of the bourgeoisie and of the modern political system, the evolution of parliamentary institutions and the formation of a bourgeois legal system and public sphere. All these led to the transformation of the political culture and to the appearance of the modern techniques of power. During the second half of the nineteenth century in Hungary modernity and the structures surviving from the past lived side by side. In the world of politics after the Compromise of 1867 the rules of parliamentarism and modern public sphere commingled with the forms of behavior inherited from the political life of the noble orders and with the traditional norms of informal social and family connections. Th e fast economic development created a milieu full of new temptations for politicians. It seems that the Hungarian elite were not prepared for the moral challenges the rapidly changing political and economic environment posed. Th erefore the principal questions of this case study are which new and old legal, political and moral norms regulated the enrichment of politicians and where contemporary discourse posited the limits of corruption. The paper answers these questions through the analysis of the cases of some Hungarian government politicians. The author explores the varied sources available about the incriminating aff airs: archival materials, personal documents, parliamentary records and newspapers, together with a number of literary representations of the problem. Th e historical data serve to demonstrate that corruption is an elastic notion. Studying the discourse of corruption highlights that neither the seriousness of the deed nor the truth of the accusations was important, in fact political situation alone determined if the politicians would be blackened or not. Th e corruption accusations became a part of the political arsenal of the Hungarian public life. The Compromise Era off ers a number of examples of the establishment of this new form of political infi ghting and its fi rst successful application.
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