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PL
Sir Robert Filmer był angielskim teoretykiem politycznym, który bronił absolutyzmu i boskiego prawa królów, krytykując Hobbesa, Miltona, Grocjusza, Bellarmine’a, Suareza i Arystotelesa. Teoria Filmera jest oparta na założeniu, że władza ojca w rodzinie jest prawdziwym źródłem i modelem każdej władzy. Na początku Bóg dał władzę Adamowi, który miał całkowitą kontrolę nad swymi potomkami, nawet nad ich życiem i śmiercią. Z jego punktu widzenia król jest absolutnie wolny od wszelkiej ludzkiej kontroli, nie może być związany czynami swych poprzedników, wobec których nie jest odpowiedzialny; nie jest związany również własną wolą, ponieważ niemożliwe jest, by człowiek dał prawo samemu sobie – prawo musi zostać narzucone przez innych osobie, która jest nim związana. W artykule autor dowodzi, że rozumowanie Filmera jest doskonałą, kompletną, lecz ostatnią obroną nieograniczonej władzy królewskiej w erze destrukcji naturalnego autorytetu politycznego.
EN
Sir Robert Filmer was an English political theorist who defended absolutism and the divine right of kings criticizing Hobbes, Milton, Grotius, Bellarimine, Suarez and Aristotle. Filmer’s theory is founded upon the statement that the government of a family by the father is the true origin and model of all government. In the beginning God gave authority to Adam, who had complete control over his descendants, even over life and death itself. In his point of view the king is perfectly free from all human control, he cannot be bound by the acts of his predecessors, for which he is not responsible; nor by his own, for it is impossible that a man should give a law to himself – a law must be imposed by another upon the person bound by it. In the Article the Author argues that Filmer’s argument is perfect, complete but the last defense of unlimited royal power in the age of destruction of natural political authority.
PL
Sir Robert Filmer był angielskim teoretykiem politycznym, który bronił absolutyzmu i boskiego prawa królów, krytykując Hobbesa, Miltona, Grocjusza, Bellarmina, Suareza i Arystotelesa. Teoria Filmera jest oparta na założeniu, że władza ojca w rodzinie jest prawdziwym źródłem i modelem każdej władzy. Na początku Bóg dał władzę Adamowi, który miał całkowitą kontrolę nad swymi potomkami, nawet nad ich życiem i śmiercią. Z jego punktu widzenia król jest absolutnie wolny od wszelkiej ludzkiej kontroli, nie może być związany czynami swych poprzedników, wobec których nie jest odpowiedzialny; nie jest związany również własną wolą, ponieważ niemożliwe jest, by człowiek dał prawo samemu sobie – prawo musi zostać narzucone przez innych osobie, która jest nim związana. W artykule autor dowodzi, że rozumowanie Filmera jest doskonałą, kompletną, lecz ostatnią obroną nieograniczonej władzy królewskiej w erze destrukcji naturalnego autorytetu politycznego.
EN
Sir Robert Filmer was an English political theorist who defended absolutism and the divine right of kings criticizing Hobbes, Milton, Grotius, Bellarimine, Suarez and Aristotle. Filmer’s theory is founded upon the statement that the government of a family by the father is the true origin and model of all government. In the beginning God gave authority to Adam, who had complete control over his descendants, even over life and death itself. In his point of view the king is perfectly free from all human control, he cannot be bound by the acts of his predecessors, for which he is not responsible; nor by his own, for it is impossible that a man should give a law to himself – a law must be imposed by another upon the person bound by it. In the Article the Author argues that Filmer’s argument is perfect, complete but the last defense of unlimited royal power in the age of destruction of natural political authority.
EN
‘Patriarchy’ is one of many terms frequently applied in the studies of the Polish countryside (its culture and people’s mentality). Perceived as self-evident, the notion hardly ever comes with an in-depth justification for its use. At the same time, ethnographic literature, classical rural sociology, diary materials, monographs, and linguistic data offer no evidence to support the claim about patriarchy in rural areas. While Polish society, part of which was rural, and the attitude of the Church as a rule could be described as patriarchal, rural communities developed mechanisms and customs that contradicted this general profile. Based on a review of arguments from various sources, the author draws a different conclusion and proposes its justification. As suggested by contemporary humanities and, more broadly, social sciences, dichotomous categories may hinder the theoretical analysis of reality, making a search for new, less dualistic but more adequate, concepts necessary. In view of the above, the term ‘patriarchy’ should not be used unquestioningly as a strictly ideological epithet.
EN
The political and philosophical thought of the seventeenth century, especially the Anglo-Saxon thought, combined the two seemingly separate issues: the ideal father of the family and the vision of the ideal kind. At that time, many writers developed a king-father analogy. They repeated that the king is like a father for his people and every father is the king for his family. The ideology of a patriarchal family and the idea of monarchical absolutism penetrate and complement each other, referring to the ideals of his father and the king. The king was to be treated like a father, the father (the patriarch) for family and servants – like a king. One of the supporters of patriarchalism and paternalism was Sir Robert Filmer. Another one was his most famous adversary John Locke. Filmer was a Protestant political writer, defender of the absolute power of the king and the patriarchal family. The controversy between Filmer, Hobbes and Locke in the field of political thought intertwined with their reflections on the family.
EN
The mass sexual assaults on western women on the streets of German cities on New Year’s Eve 2015 committed by the migrants coming from non-European cultures caused a media panic which focused on the safety of western women in the context of the migration crisis. The likelihood of successful social and cultural integration of minorities originating in non-European cultures, especially in the Muslim minority, came back to the public debate. Perception of the role which the intercultural differences had in the New Year’s Eve assaults – which was underestimated by the liberal-left circles and overemphasized by the right-wing ones became a contentious issue. The aim of this article is to diagnose the role of cultural and non-cultural factors (social, biological, psychological, demographic, economic and technological) in the mass sexual assaults on western women committed by the foreigners. Only an accurate identification of the role which the intercultural differences played in these events will help us correctly select and structure prevention integration programmes addressed to the migrants coming from non-European countries. In conclusion, the article presents an initial evaluation of prevention programmes implemented in Germany.
PL
Wypadki grupowego molestowania seksualnego zachodnich kobiet na ulicach niemieckich miast w noc sylwestrową 2015 roku przez migrantów z kultur pozaeuropejskich sprowokowały medialną panikę dotyczącą bezpieczeństwa zachodnich kobiet w warunkach kryzysu migracyjnego. W debacie publicznej powróciło pytanie o możliwość integracji społeczno-kulturowej mniejszości wywodzących się z kultur pozaeuropejskich, szczególnie zaś mniejszości muzułmańskiej. Kwestią sporną stała się ocena roli różnic międzykulturowych w wydarzeniach sylwestrowych – niedocenianych przez środowiska liberalno-lewicowe i przecenianych przez środowiska prawicowe. Celem artykułu jest diagnoza roli czynników kulturowych obok czynników pozakulturowych (społecznych, biologicznych, psychologicznych, demograficznych, ekonomicznych i technologicznych) w aktach grupowego molestowania zachodnich kobiet przez obcokrajowców. Od trafnego rozpoznania roli różnic międzykulturowych w tych wydarzeniach zależy trafność doboru i konstrukcji prewencyjnych programów integracyjnych skierowanych do migrantów z krajów pozaeuropejskich. Artykuł kończy wstępna ocena programów prewencyjnych realizowanych w Niemczech.
EN
James II inherited the throne from his elder brother Charles only because there was not any male heir. Even the Parliament wanted to exclude him from succession, that was the exclusion crisis of 1679-1681. The Tory propaganda published Sir Robert Filmer’s Patriarcha to argue for the primogeniture principle, i.e. for the James’s title to the throne. That work introduced patriarchalism in which overlap the concepts of family and society and the authority of a father and the monarch. Therefore the monarch as the father of the nation ruled over the society that was considered to be a great family. He demanded unconditional obedience from the society just as the father demands it from the members of his family. Since Sir Robert Filmer’s name was connected to James’s right to the throne and to the conservative royalist Tory propaganda, my incentive was to examine whether James himself applied patriarchalism and the Filmer’s concepts in his political writings. This is the law (norms) in books if we apply the terms of the law in effect to the past. However, the aim of this article is to compare these norms with the practice found in the James’s declarations, proclamations, and deeds. The result of this comparison would be the law in action. Thus, the aim of this comparison is to reveal patriarchalism in James’s writings and after that to examine whether any characteristics of it can be found in his deeds and decrees of his administration. I mean especially three deeds: his coronation, the cure of the King’s evil (scrofula), and the practice of giving mercy to victims. Among the decrees I mean particularly the decrees issued during putting out the revolts against his reign. In the first two cases he was successful, however, he lost the throne to William of Orange and was expelled from it.
EN
The crisis of classical humanism is a fact. It has revealed its dark reverse. They are slavery, colonialism, exploitation, exclusion, discrimination. Humanism turned out to be the offspring of patriarchalism, gender chauvinism and speciesism. Therefore, it has to be overcome. One of the proposals is posthumanism. It is based on a different research method (I call it the “sense of participation”), a different concept of the subject (nomad) and a new ethics, the shape of which is still emerging. In the article, I point to its foundations in the form of a female ethics of care, which – in my opinion – opens the horizons to a more holistic, egalitarian, pluralized human–non-human existence.
PL
Kryzys klasycznego humanizmu jest faktem. Ujawnił bowiem on swój ciemny rewers. Są nim niewolnictwo, kolonializm, wyzysk,  wykluczenia, dyskryminacje. Humanizm okazał się być dzieckiem patriarchalizmu, szowinizmu płciowego i gatunkowego. Trzeba go więc przezwyciężyć. Jedną z propozycji jest posthumanizm. Opiera się on na odmiennej metodzie badawczej (nazywam ją tu „zmysłem udziału”), odmiennej koncepcji podmiotu (nomada) i nowej etyce, której kształt dopiero powstaje. W artykule wskazuję na jej fundamenty w postaci kobiecej etyki troski, która – w moim przekonaniu - otwiera horyzonty na bardziej holistyczne, egalitarne, spluralizowane ludzko-pozaludzkie istnienie. 
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