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EN
The study deals with political propaganda considered as a space for the performance of rituals and ritual behaviours. Such an approach allows for investigating that phenomenon from another perspective than so far proposed by classical propaganda research schools. Special categories of the analysis include the symbolic sphere and conventionality, while emphasis is placed on researching propaganda within politically significant structures. The article provides information on how the phenomenon has been analysed with the use of anthropological research categories.
XX
In 2009, during the visit of President Dmitry Medvedev in Buryatia, Buddhist authorities proclaimed him an emanation of White Tara - female enlightened energy. Enthronement of the President of the tantric goddess was an attempt at restitution relationship ‘patron-teacher’ formed in the thirteenth century between the rulers of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty and Tibetan lamas of the Sakya linage and sometimes used by Buryats in relation to the Russian tsars. Both the local community and the Russian public opinion received this event ambiguously. For some it was an act of total submission of the central government, the other sacrilegious bordering on the absurd. In my opinion, it was one of the episodes of the practice of taming the ruler by subaltern communities. This paper presents the interpretation that enters an event in a number of practices to tame and manipulate Russian hegemony. My argument is that the ambiguity of many social practices is not only a manifestation of cultural pluralism in Buryatia. Rather, it is a strategy of the weak, which allows keeping agency in a situation of enormous disproportion of forces.
EN
This text concerns the political anthropology of Carl Schmitt. Schmitt says that man is inhe­rently evil, he is born in evilness. On this thesis he builds their theory of politics and the concept of the authoritarian state. But he nowhere is developing his political anthropology. It does not explain why the man is born evil and does not explain what is the source of this view? The literature about Schmitt’s theory proposes three interpretations: Christian inspiration, lecture of the writings of Tho­mas Hobbes, fear of Bolshevism. The author examines these three interpretations and proposes his own. The political anthropology of Carl Schmitt is the mixture of orthodox St. Augustine’s teaching, Hobbes’s theory, fear of Communism, perhaps the tribulations of family life.
EN
The problem of the body-soul separation has long been the subject of both philosophy and science. There is no doubt that man is a biological being. What is not certain is how human biology influences our actions and decision processes. Does it constitute humanity or is it just an excess. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Arnold Gehlen, who laid the foundations of the institutional theory, stated that man is a being marked by a deficiency. This statement was derived precisely from man’s biological deficiencies. At the same time, those influenced the human’s ability to create complex institutional systems. From the biological foundations of the analysis of man as a psychophysical being, Gehlen derived the need to establish a system of rules and norms that helps us to survive. This article will primarily discuss the biological foundations of Gehlen's theory. It will show how this 20th century anthropologist moved from researching the biological aspects of individuals to the cultural challenges faced by modern humans.
EN
The author of the article presents and analyzes the concept of the public sphere which was created by Plessner in the twenties of the twentieth century. It includes the main work of Plessner written in 1923, The Limits of Community: A Critique of Social Radicalism. This book presents two forms of public life organisation: community and society. Plessner shows the important differences in the understanding of the role of the individual in these two forms of human collectivity organisation. Plessner creates its own versions of anthropology for understanding the possibility of different treatment of individuals in the community and in society. He presented this concept in the paper entitled Conditio humana in 1961 which represents one of the main works of political anthropology in the twentieth century. His research effort focuses on the presentation of the role of the public sphere in the social life. Its important characteristic is neutral behavior of people performing the roles in social life. According to Plessner, there are two types of community: a blood-based type and an ideal-based type both of which aspire to control the public sphere. The meaning of Plessner's concept is very broad; both for explaining the totalitarianism creation in Germany as well as for discovering a deeper sense of political changes in the modern world.
PL
W artykule została zaprezentowana i poddana analizie koncepcja sfery publicznej, którą przedstawia H. Plessner w swoich pismach, szczególnie powstałych w latach 20. XX w. Do nich należy główne jego dzieło napisane w 1923 r. Granice wspólnoty. Krytyka radykalizmu społecznego. Wspólnota i społeczeństwo to wedle autora dwie formy organizacji życia zbiorowego. Ukazanie ich istotnych elementów różnicujących stworzyło, wedle Plessnera, potrzebę refleksji z zakresu filozofii człowieka, którą przedstawił w napisanej w 1961 r. pracy Pytanie o conditio humana. Powstała w ten sposób spójna koncepcja antropologii politycznej. W jej polu Plessner podjął się zadania refleksji nad sferą publiczną. Wkraczamy w nią w momencie pełnienia funkcji zawodowej w społeczeństwie. Wedle Plessnera należy ocalić neutralność zachowań w sferze publicznej w obliczu zapędów do jej kolonizacji ze strony wspólnoty związku czy sprawy. Znaczenie koncepcji sfery publicznej przedstawione przez Plessnera, poprzez zwrócenie uwagi na niebezpieczeństwa związane z aspiracjami wspólnot, sięga daleko poza próbę zrozumienia w kategoriach naukowych wydarzeń politycznych w Niemczech w latach 20. XX w. Dzisiaj analiza Plessnera nabiera aktualności.
EN
The article discusses the formation of urban citizenship in a small town. It focuses on a group of urban activists in Puszczykowo (Poland) and shows how rooting in a local community influences the engagement in public activity and causes a highly emotional relationship between local politicians. On the other hand, the ana- lyzed case study also shows that the local community activists are strongly internally differentiated, forming groups with different views and motivations. With the changing contexts and circumstances the local politicians may shift between them smoothly.
EN
The purpose of this article is to present the political anthropology as a subdiscipline of anthropology and political science, because the term exists in both.However, both the term and the subject of research, as well as methodological approaches are differ. This situation should develop political anthropology, especially in political science, but it didn’t. Political anthropology has a long tradition in Western science. As a field of anthropology has a little over 100 years,from the position of political science dates back to its origin in ancient Greece. Political anthropology was included in the curriculum in higher education.
PL
Artykuł analizuje przemiany politycznej reprezentacji Kurdów w Republice Turcji. Zostały one przedstawione chronologicznie od czasów Imperium Osmańskiego po współczesne relacje Państwa Tureckiego z mniejszością kurdyjską. Dzieje aktywizmu kurdyjskiego w Turcji opisane są z perspektywy uznającej zmagania polityczne Kurdów za dążenie do obrony własnej tożsamości kulturowej i odpowiedź na politykę asymilacyjną państwa. Przedstawiono kontekst i przebieg najważniejszych wydarzeń związanych z: funkcjonowaniem księstw kurdyjskich w Imperium Osmańskim, powstaniami kurdyjskimi na początku istnienia Republiki, wyłonieniem się nowej kurdyjskiej klasy politycznej w latach sześćdziesiątych XX wieku, działalnością partyzancką Partii Pracujących Kurdystanu (PKK) oraz procesem pokojowym prowadzonym w XXI wieku. Uwzględniono współczesne oceny wydarzeń historycznych przez Kurdów i Turków, kładąc nacisk na różnice w ocenie traktatów z Sèvres i Lozanny. W końcowej części artykułu poruszono problematykę najnowszych wydarzeń związanych z relacjami pomiędzy rządem tureckim a mniejszością kurdyjską oraz przedstawiono prognozy przyszłości procesu pokojowego.
EN
The article analyzes changes in political representation of Kurds in Turkey, which are presented chronologically from the times of Ottoman Empire to the modern relations between Turkish state and Kurdish minority. The history of Kurdish activism in Turkey is described from the perspective which considers Kurdish political struggle as efforts to preserve they cultural identity and response to assimilation policy of the state. Presented are context and course of major events related to: functioning of the Kurdish principalities in the Ottoman Empire, Kurdish uprisings at the beginning of the Republic, the emergence of a new Kurdish political class in the sixties of the twentieth century, guerrilla activity Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and peace process in the XXI century . Discussed were also contemporary differences in evaluation of historical events, with an emphasis on the differences in the assessment of the Treaties of Sèvres and Lausanne. Final part of the article deals with the issue of the latest developments related to the relationship between the Turkish government and the Kurdish minority.
EN
In its first part, the article shows the variety of interpretations of “political anthropology” within scientific research and proposes their classification. Coming from that point, in the second part of the article, the author presents the arguments on the need of different from up to date existing anthropological approach within political science research. Taking into account that crucial problems of current political discourse are connected with different visions of man presented by different political actors, the author shows that only by integrating the two methodological approaches in political anthropology (philosophical and ethno-cultural) political science can successfully tackle the most important issues of current political discourse.
PL
Artykuł analizuje jeden z kluczowych problemów współczesnej filozofii politycznej – problem sprawiedliwości w świetle „nowego paradygmatu”, teorii wymiany transcendentalnej zaproponowanej przez Otfrieda Hoeffego. Autor tekstu bada wpływ tej koncepcji na zrozumienie kształtowania porządku moralnego i prawnego w nowoczesnym społeczeństwie. Aby móc właściwie zinterpretować teorię Hoeffego, należy spojrzeć na sprawiedliwość w kategoriach odpowiedzialności osobistej. Szczególne znaczenie autor tekstu przypisuje organicznej jedności moralnych i materialnych podstaw życia społecznego w przezwyciężaniu niesprawiedliwości społecznej. Stwierdza, że wolność i sprawiedliwość są zakorzenione w świecie i oparte na normach moralności i prawa. Artykuł stanowi podstawę metodologiczną dla zrozumienia filozofii politycznej sprawiedliwości O. Heffego, który uznaje wolność i sprawiedliwość za podstawowe warunki ludzkiej egzystencji.
EN
The paper covers an issue of justice in the light of a new paradigm in political philosophy proposed by Otfried Hoeffe’s theory of the exchange of justice. The author analyses the impact of this approach to justice upon understanding of how could contemporary society develop its fair moral and legal grounds. It is proved that for an adequate understanding of justice is its understanding as a personal responsibility, organically related to guidance on solidarity and recognition. Their interpretations of as well attempts to join moral and material grounds of social life to overcome of injustice are in the author’s focus. It is showed that freedom and justice are enrooted in a lifeword, as well relay upon formal norms and procedures of moral and justice. It gives a methodology for understanding of O. Hoeffe’s philosophy of political justice that states freedom and justice as basic conditions of human being.
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