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EN
Political communication highly depends on generic figurative frames such as Politics Is War, Object, Sport, Art and Politics Is Landscape. Regarding political art, it is suggested that artists use complex cognitive solutions (e.g. parallel issue-specific frames) in creative ways which are connected with one of the major generic frames. The study discusses parliament-representations (made between 2006 and 2015) which are not only attractive elements of the cityscape; thus, not literary representations of the building. Using the method of visual framing, the analyses (1) describe the artworks, (2) interpret the occurring symbols and metaphors determined contextually, and (3) reveal the ideological and power relations. Summing up, political artworks can be comprehended according to conventional mental schemas. However, artists usually create a minimum of two competing specifications of the general frames occurring at the same time, and let the viewer choose the one that fits better with their worldview.
EN
From a traditional perspective, women who have triumphed in the arts, literature, or science have been seen as an anomaly or “exceptional women” by historians. In 1895, only a third of girls under 14 could read in the small provincial town of Tucuman, in northern Argentina. However, Lola Mora displayed her sculptures in her first exhibitions in the same year. Her career as a sculptor was legitimized and recognized in her hometown Argentina, after spending years in Europe developing her talent. Her career as an artist has historically been seen as a distinct rarity, and few people have attempted to provide an explanation or contextualization for her success as an artist at the turn of the 20th century. In this article, I propose an analysis of the methods that Lola Mora used to legitimize her art and establish herself professionally. I would like to draw attention to Lola Mora’s conscious decision to contradict the contemporary ideals of patriotism and politics as themes in her art; her sculptures were physical manifestations of her feelings on the contentious aforementioned subjects. Lola Mora realigned her focus on the intricacies of provincial and national politics during the 1890s, but she did not abandon her art. Her career has been interpreted as a radical deviation from the lives that women conducted publicly in the 20th century.
EN
The Sophists were the first supporters of the values of knowledge, education and po-litical self-determination. Their attitude and tactics demonstrated that human nature and especially every individual’s personality is of prior importance. The Sophists rejected the idea of the ontological stability of the laws and declared their confidence in the eternal values of the natural law and cosmopolitanism, in the individual ability of every human being and in the concurrent refusal of traditions and of any form of authenticity. In addition, the Sophists were the first innovative enlightenment philosophers, who tried to exert their influence on society by using their teachings.
EN
This article analyzes the scandal caused in the German public sphere by the Center for Political Beauty’s intervention The First Fall of the European Wall (2014). Prepared just before the twenty-fifth anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, the campaign aimed to expose the hypocrisy of German politicians, who celebrated the dismantling of old borders and at the same time co-financed the emergence of new ones. The author presents the course of this artivist action and analyzes its negative reception, focusing on comments from a group of recipients which she categorizes as “disgusted audience.” The analysis draws on the concepts of competitive and multidirectional memory (Michael Rothberg), affect theory (Sara Ahmed), and theory of disgust (Winfried Menninghaus) to show how an audience constituted itself to depreciate the project based on the category of taste and to activate various defense mechanisms blocking the discussion about political issues brought to public attention by the artists.
EN
The article highlights the activities of the Centre for Political Beauty), a Berlin-based collective operating on the border of art and activism. The author maps the artistic strategies of the creators, discusses their inspirations and general assumptions of the collective. A significant part of the text is devoted to an extensive analysis of Federal Emergency Programme (2014), a public intervention whose starting point was an attempt to rewrite the historical Kindertransport rescue operation to the socio-political realities shaped by the conflict in Syria. Using the theory of reconstruction and the Michael Rothberg’s theory of multidirectional memory, the author refers to this project – and other similarly structured actions – as “performances of multidirectional memory”, which allows her to point out how the highly polarizing the public, artistic-activist campaigns of Centre for Political Beauty create scenarios of political alternatives in which different experiences of extreme violence are not prioritized.
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Architektura jako ideologia

63%
PL
Ze wszystkich sztuk architektura jest najsilniej związana z ideologią i to nie tylko dlatego, że jest często narzędziem władzy, lecz także dlatego, że budowlę poprzedza słowo. Poeta pisze wiersze, których nie poprzedza projekt, malarz robi wprawdzie często szkice swojego obrazu, ale potencjalnie zawarty jest w nich już cały obraz. Natomiast budowla powstaje w trzech co najmniej etapach. Najpierw pojawia się idea określająca funkcje, formę i znaczenia, a więc słowo, a potem powstaje odręczny rysunek, obecnie coraz częściej zastępowany przez komputerową symulację, następnie makieta, a wreszcie budynek.
EN
Of all the arts, architecture is the one with the closest links to ideology – not only because in many cases it serves as an instrument of power, but also because any structure is invariably preceded by words. A poet writes poems which need no design beforehand; a painter may occasionally prepare sketches for his painting, but these drafts potentially contain the entire painting which is to be produced. Conversely, there are at least three stages to any building or structure. First, there comes an idea – expressed in words – which determines its function, form and meaning, then comes a hand drawing, which contemporarily is more and more frequently replaced by computer simulation, after that a scale model, and finally – a building.
PL
Przesiedlenia w Kolumbii dotyczą ponad 10% ludności kraju, głównie mieszkańców obszarów wiejskich. Mimo że jest to jeden z najpoważniejszych problemów społecznych tego kraju, nie jest on znany szerszemu gronu odbiorców. Jednakże jego konsekwencje odczuwane są również w największych miastach, które przyjmują fale migrantów, a przez to rozwijają się w sposób niekontrolowany. Prowadzi to do zaburzenia funkcjonowania strefy miejskiej, wzrostu przestępczości, spadku poczucia bezpieczeństwa, wzrostu różnic społecznych i marginalizacji. Kolumbijscy artyści nawiązują do tych zjawisk, szczególnie dotyczących przesiedleń, ich podstawowych przyczyn i konsekwencji, podejmując tematy zbrojnej przemocy, starć między grupami powstańczymi, paramilitarnymi a siłami bezpieczeństwa, nielegalnego wydobycia surowców mineralnych i jego wpływu na gospodarkę. Ich prace ukazują nowe oblicze Kolumbii - mniej znane i marginalizowane. Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą analizy takich manifestacji artystycznych, według ich treści i formy, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem sposobu przedstawiania przesiedleńców – ofiar konfliktu.. Prace te wykonywane były przy współudziale przesiedleńców i miały również cele terapeutyczne
EN
Forced displacement in Colombia afflicts more than 10% of its total population, and despite being one of its greatest social problems, it is a somewhat unknown condition that occurs mainly in the most remote rural populations. However, its impact can be felt in large cities because of their excessive, disorderly and continued growth, lack of public safety, and the marked social difference between the privileged and the marginalized. Contemporary Colombian artists research, track and reflect on internal displacement, its consequences and main causes: the armed violence of the various insurgent groups as well as their confrontations with public security forces, the illegal exploitation of natural resources and its impact on the economy of the affected areas. Their works show us new realities of the marginalized and little-known country, focusing on the terms of constant movement and housing afflicting the displaced. This paper proposes a revision to these artistic manifestations according to some categories here established, from its poetic nature and the way the artists approach the issue of displacement, to works carried out with the victims and that in this interaction, make art a resilience mechanism for the victims of the armed conflict in Colombia.
EN
The research into depicting landscape in the Enlightenment has developed dynamically as of the1970s. The major focus is, however, on revolutionary in their impact open-air studies executed inItaly by artists arriving from behind the Alps in the late 18th century and around 1800. Less attention is paid to the views of the Alps and the visual documentation of exploration trips. Interestingly, the least known and understood is the phenomenon of exploring one’s own country, the native land. The paper points to the examples of this tendency from e.g., France, Scandinavia, and Poland, nonetheless focusing on German-speaking countries. Definite examples of rendering native elements serve for the reflection on the concept of ‘political landscape’. Questions are posed on the essential motivations for the earliest visual depictions of a country or of a state: some initiatives came directly from rulers, in the majority of the cases, however, the motivation was a combination of various inspirations: political, literary, artistic, and mercantile. A factor, easily discernible, present in the majority of the analysed phenomena from the 18th century, is the attempt to imitate Dutch models from the 17th century.
PL
Badania nad obrazowaniem krajobrazu w wieku oświecenia rozwinęły się dynamicznie od lat 70. XX w. Główną uwagę poświęca się jednak uznanym za przełomowe dla malarstwa nowoczesnego studiom plenerowym wykonywanym we Włoszech przez przybyszów zza Alp pod koniec XVIII w. i ok. 1800, w dalszej kolejności obrazowaniu Alp i dokumentacjom podróży odkrywczych. Znacznie słabiej natomiast znamy i rozumiemy fenomen odkrywania własnego kraju, ziemi rodzimej. Autor przywołuje przykłady tej tendencji m.in. z Francji, Skandynawii i Polski, skupiając jednak swą uwagę na krajach niemieckojęzycznych. Konkretne przykłady obrazowania rodzimości służą refleksji nad pojęciem „pejzażu politycznego”. Postawione zostają pytania o istotne motywacje najwcześniejszych odwzorowań wizualnych kraju bądź państwa: niektóre inicjatywy wychodziły wprost od władców, w większości wypadków jednak przyczyniał się do nich splot różnych inspiracji – politycznych, literackich, artystycznych oraz merkantylnych. Łatwo rozpoznawalnym czynnikiem, obecnym w większości analizowanych zjawisk z wieku XVIII, jest naśladowanie wzorów holenderskich z XVII w.
Pamiętnik Teatralny
|
2022
|
vol. 71
|
issue 3
109-127
EN
This article analyzes the scandal caused in the German public sphere by the Center for Political Beauty’s intervention The First Fall of the European Wall (2014). Prepared just before the twenty-fifth anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, the campaign aimed to expose the hypocrisy of German politicians, who celebrated the dismantling of old borders and at the same time co-financed the emergence of new ones. The author presents the course of this artivist action and analyzes its negative reception, focusing on comments from a group of recipients which she categorizes as “disgusted audience.” The analysis draws on the concepts of competitive and multidirectional memory (Michael Rothberg), affect theory (Sara Ahmed), and theory of disgust (Winfried Menninghaus) to show how an audience constituted itself to depreciate the project based on the category of taste and to activate various defense mechanisms blocking the discussion about political issues brought to public attention by the artists.
PL
Artykuł stanowi analizę skandalu, jaki w niemieckiej sferze publicznej wywołała interwencja Centrum Politycznego Piękna zatytułowana Pierwszy upadek europejskiego muru (2014). Kampania przygotowana tuż przed dwudziestą piątą rocznicą upadku muru berlińskiego miała na celu obnażenie hipokryzji niemieckich polityków, którzy jednocześnie świętują likwidację starych granic i współfinansują powstawanie nowych. Autorka przedstawia przebieg tej artywistycznej akcji i analizuje jej negatywną recepcję, w szczególności komentarze grupy odbiorczej, którą określa mianem publiczności zniesmaczonej. W analizie wykorzystano koncepcje pamięci rywalizacyjnej i wielokierunkowej (Michael Rothberg), teorię afektów (Sara Ahmed) i teorię wstrętu (Winfried Menninghaus), by pokazać, w jaki sposób ukonstytuowała się publiczność deprecjonująca projekt za pomocą kategorii smaku i uruchamiająca różne mechanizmy obronne służące blokowaniu dyskusji nad politycznymi problemami, na które zwrócili uwagę opinii publicznej artyści.
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