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EN
Remembrance is a powerful instrument of social mobilisation, identity construction and political competition. Its impact on individual and shared beliefs or attitudes makes it an object of government’s interest, because remembrance can be used to legitimise ideologies or policies. Theoretical considerations of a government’s role as a narrator lead us to the general definition of the government’s remembrance policy, which we understand as a complex of narratives and interpretations presented to influence citizens’ attitudes, behaviours, beliefs and identities. The paper develops the definition with five theoretical hypotheses on the effectiveness of remembrance narratives. It argues that the government’s remembrance policy is myth-motoric, non-scientific, emotional, based on commitment and that it is a type of social influence. The study is an initial verification of theoretical approach, and I believe that my arguments will motivate other researchers to investigate different aspects of a government’s desire to narrate past events.
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EN
The concept of trust in the context of voting behavior is difficult to define, because it is not a factor specific solely to this domain. Firstly, trust is an essential element of social life. It is the essence of social capital that has significant impact on many issues – education, economic growth, crime level, quality of functioning of the democratic institutions, community of the citizens. Secondly, in large partly due to the multiple contexts of use of this concept, there are difficulties as regards distinguishing it from related concepts such as empathy, community, respect, kindness, brotherhood, esteem, unity. Despite the many shortcomings and imperfections in the concept of trust, it appears that the concept is well understood intuitively – individuals answering questions in surveys on trust seem to understand the concept very well, and their expressed trust level is proportionate to their individually observable behaviour.
EN
The aim of this article is to contribute to a conceptualization of organizational politics and introduce problems of ethical aspects of political behavior. Using different ethical theories, I seek to provide a context in which to evaluate organizational politics. Implications for further studies conclude the article.
PL
Głównym celem artykułu jest analiza zmian w dostępie do społecznie cenionych dóbr (zmian postrzeganych subiektywnie przez respondentów), takich jak zamożność, wpływy i poważanie, a także analiza wpływu tych zmian na decyzje o głosowaniu. Stawiamy następujące pytania badawcze: czy w ciągu czterech lat urzędowania PiS dokonało redystrybucji bogactwa, władzy i prestiżu w polskim społeczeństwie? Czy ci, do których ta oferta była przede wszystkim skierowana (czyli osoby nieuprzywilejowane w dostępie do wyżej wymienionych dóbr), uważają, że ich sytuacja w tym zakresie poprawiła się? Dane PGSW pozwalają zidentyfikować statystycznie istotną różnicę w ocenie ostatnich czterech lat (pod względem dostępu do społecznie cenionych dóbr) między elektoratem PiS a innymi grupami w polskim społeczeństwie. Stwierdzamy, że zmienna ta wywiera znaczący wpływ na głosowanie, nawet gdy wiele innych istotnych determinant zachowań wyborczych w Polsce jest kontrolowanych. Wyniki tych analiz stanowią wkład w piśmiennictwo dotyczące demokracji, zachowań wyborczych, populizmu, a przede wszystkim populistów u władzy.
EN
This paper’s main objective is to analyse the changes in the access to socially valued goods, such as wealth, influence and prestige, as well as their impact on voting. We pose the following research questions: during the last four years has Law and Justice party (PiS) redistributed wealth, power, and prestige in Polish society? Do those to whom its offer was primarily addressed (i.e., people who are not privileged in accessing the above-mentioned goods) believe that their situation in this respect has improved? Polish National Election Study (PGSW) data identify a statistically significant difference in assessing the last four years (in terms of access to socially valued goods) between the PiS electorate and other groups. We find that this variable has a significant impact on voting, even when many other important determinants of Poland’s electoral behaviour are controlled. The results of these analyses contribute to the literature on democracy, electoral behaviour, populism, and, above all, populists in power.
EN
The aim of the article is an analysis of political specificity of tabloid readers–the press which focuses on sensation, targeting less educated audience. The author investigates the real and potential political electorate of tabloid readers. The paper is based on theories of mass culture, political communication (Garbner) and mechanisms of functioning of the public opinion (Lippman, Bourdieu). In tabloids politics is presented as an integral part of modern democratic mass culture and as an object of mass consumption. Tabloids reflect the needs of mass consumption and have become the key means of communication. The patterns of presenting political news are taken over by new media. Research on quality indicates that in tabloids the image of the world of politics, and particularly its elites is cynical and populist. If it comes to the values they demonstrate the mix of values of national and social state. Tabloid readers and people who do not read at all are more politically alienated, less competent, but present more authoritarian and anti-democratic attitudes. Their individualism is lower, but stronger social conformity and weaker need to have their own opinion. The social and psychological profile of tabloid readers is explicit, however it is difficult to associate them in a determined way with the electorate of a particular party or a politician. The results of the analyses are discussed in the perspective of theory of transformation of the public sphere by Jürgen Habermas. Habermas indicated that making politics public by commercial media causes that the public sphere ceases to be a field of debate over political issues. Taking part in it is a kind of consumption, where a ready product is presented to the public–this may be a view or opinion in an easy to consume “pseudo-attractive” form. This criticism of the “mediated” public sphere is still of some value. However, tabloids expand the sphere of public communication into socially excluded electorate and the electorate of Poland B, moreover in the form of sensation they fulfill the control function of the press.
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