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EN
The main aim of the article is to describe career patterns of big city politicians who had been elected from lists of Civic Platform Party and Law and Justice Party, both parties that dominated Polish political scene. The authors try to answer in what way political career, local government career and socio‑economic status have affected the post held at the city council by representatives elected from both party lists. The authors formulate four hypotheses which concern the characteristics of the paths toward posts held by both parties’ representatives. The results of analysis show that paths towards posts are different and connected to the party. Law and Justice paths, whereparty career are very important, are more obvious and easer to interpretations. In the case of councilors who had represented Civic Platform relatively significant are local‑government careers.
EN
The article discusses the role of sub-municipal (neighbourhood, city district) councils as a path to a political career in Polish big cities. The reported research is based on data from six Polish cities. The analysis of social composition of the group of neighbourhood councillors refers to Putnam’s law of increasing disproportionality. Through reference to various theoretical concepts, the process of selection is divided into three stages: self-selection, pre-selection (top-down selection) and bottom-up selection. The role of neighbourhood councils is considered in the context of the concepts of the “incubator” and “respirator” of a political career.
EN
The article presents the careers of two representatives of one of the oldest Polish magnate families – Tęczyński, coat of arms Topór, the elder sons of Andrzej (d. 1588), the governor of Krakow: Gabriel (d. 1617), the voivode of Lublin and Andrzej (d. 1613), the castellan of Bełz, living at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries. It has been proven that after a long period of education outside the borders of the Commonwealth, which was interrupted in 1593 by an episode, when the brothers were sent to the General Sejm, from the beginning of the 17th century, as young magnate sons, they actively participated in the public life. Gabriel worked in the local government of the Lublin Voivodeship, while Andrzej was a member of the Opatów regional parliament. Although the brothers did not reach the highest state offices – the end of Gabriel's career was Lublin voivodship, and Andrzej castellany of Bełz – they showed significant activity during the Sandomierz rebellion in 1606-1607, taking the side of the royal camp. In the following years, Andrzej Tęczyński expressed his support for the royal party in his views and attitude, while the elder Gabriel distanced himself from the policy of Sigismund III Vasa at least from 1611. Their careers ended with fairly sudden deaths, after which the public activity was taken up by the youngest of their brothers - Jan Magnus (d. 1637), the voivode of Kraków, with whom the Tęczyński line came to an end.  
EN
Although social and traditional barriers are continuously being overcome, women’s participation inpublic life, including politics, remains marginal. Even though European states enact regulations aimed at increasing the number of women in politics, few of them assume prominent positions of party leaders, govemment heads and presidents. For many years, the feminine govemment in Europę was epitomized by the Prime Minister of Great Britain, Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990). Her political career exemplifies gradually rising up the political ladder, resulting in the position of the leader of the party and the State. One of the most prominent figures in modem European and global politics is the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel. Given present standards, her political career is exceptionally original. Her entering politics and taking the highest State position exemplify the unpredictability of politics on the one hand, and on the other confirm the principle that once you have a definite goal and pursue it step by step, you can achieve it regardless of the obstacles. The purpose of the paper is to present Angela Merkel’ s path to the most prominent Office in Germany and her exceptional position in Europę, as well as to indicate the events that evidence how exceptional this path was.
PL
Mimo ciągłego przełamywania barier obyczajowych i społecznych, udział kobiet w życiu publicznym, w tym także w polityce, jest ciągle marginalny. Mimo sukcesywnego wprowadzania w państwach europejskich regulacji, których celem jest zwiększenie liczby kobiet w polityce, niewiele z nich zajmuje eksponowane stanowiska liderek partii, szefowych rządów czy prezydentów. Przez wiele lat symbolem kobiecych rządów w Europie była premier Wielkiej Brytanii Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990). Przebieg jej kariery politycznej jest przykładem stopniowego wspinania się po drabinie politycznego awansu prowadzącej do objęcia przywództwa w partii i państwie. Jedną z najważniejszych postaci współczesnej polityki europejskiej i światowej jest kanclerz Niemiec Angela Merkel. Droga jej kariery politycznej, jak na obecne standardy, jest wyjątkowo nietypowa. Jej wejście do polityki, jak i objęcie najważniejszego urzędu w państwie, jest przykładem nieprzewidywalności polityki z jednej strony, a drugiej potwierdzeniem zasady, że mając ściśle wyznaczony cel, dążąc do niego krok po kroku, można go osiągnąć niezależnie od istniejących ograniczeń. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie drogi Angeli Merkel do najważniejszego urzędu w Niemczech i wyjątkowej pozycji w Europie oraz wskazanie tych wydarzeń, które świadczą o wyjątkowości tej drogi.
EN
The article addresses the differential recruitment advantages of individual candidates in regional assembly elections. The authors argue that in a multi-level polity different types of incumbency exist that are reflected in the recruitment process, favour officeholders over newcomers, and at the same time differentiate the accessibility of regional offices for officeholders at various system levels. Moreover, it is argued that the effect of multi-level incumbency can be well observed even in proportional electoral systems. Empirically, the impact of incumbency on a candidate’s chances to succeed in the recruitment process and to obtain preferential votes is analysed using regional assembly elections in the Czech Republic as an example. The authors demonstrate that regional incumbents enjoy by a huge margin advantage during the candidate nomination phase and they are the most favoured group at the ballot followed by national-level politicians and big city mayors.
EN
The article describes political careers of members of local authorities in the context of leadership. The starting point of this report is the research’s results of the municipalities in Rzeszów, which identified the leaders who came along there in 1990–2002. The context of the analysis is the four- dimensional leadership: psychological, legal-institutional, systemic-party, cultural and social. The aim of the article is to analyze the direction and the path of political careers of these leaders and to identify the determination of their careers.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy karier politycznych członków władz miejskich w kontekście przywództwa. Punktem wyjścia są wyniki badań funkcjonowania samorządu Rzeszowa, w których zidentyfikowano liderów, jacy pojawili się we władzach miejskich w latach 1990–2002. Kontekst analizy stanowią cztery wymiary przywództwa: psychologiczny, prawno-instytucjonalny, systemowo partyjny oraz kulturowo-społeczny. Celem artykułu jest analiza kierunków i dróg karier politycznych tych liderów oraz identyfikacja uwarunkowań przebiegu tych karier.
PL
Artykuł omawia rolę jednostek pomocniczych w największych polskich miastach jako ścieżki kariery polityków lokalnych. Badanie oparte jest na analizie danych z sześciu miast. Analiza składu społecznego grupy działaczy osiedlowych odwołuje się do prawa zwiększającej się dysproporcji sformułowanego przez Roberta D. Putnama. Na podstawie odwołania do kilku koncepcji teoretycznych w procesie selekcji uwzględnione są trzy etapy: autoselekcji, preselekcji (selekcji odgórnej) i selekcji oddolnej. Rola rad jednostek pomocniczych rozpatrywana jest w kontekście koncepcji inkubatora i respiratora kariery politycznej.
EN
On the basis of data from six Polish cities, the authors discuss the role of sub-municipal (neighbourhood, city district) councils as paths to political career in big Polish cities. The analysis of social composition of neighbourhood councils is based on Putnam’s law of increasing disproportionality, while various theoretical concepts inform the division of the selection process into three stages: self-selection, pre-selection (top-down selection), and bottom-up selection. Neighbourhood councils are considered as incubators and respirators of political career.
PL
Problematyka kreacji instytucjonalnych elit władzy jest zagadnieniem, które absorbowało i nadal absorbuje przedstawicieli nauk społecznych. Procesy rekrutacji i selekcji, zdobywania poparcia społecznego i oddolnej legitymacji zdają się interesować nie tylko świat ludzi nauki, praktyków sfery politycznej, lecz także obywateli — wyborców. W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytania dotyczące udziału radnych sejmików województw wybranych w 2014 r. w wyborach parlamentarnych kolejnego roku. Zastanawiano się nad kwestią samej skali aktywności radnych, problemami ich związania lub nie z poszczególnym blokiem politycznym i z określonym terytorium, wreszcie analizie poddano zmiany dotyczące uzyskanego przez nich poparcia wyborczego.
EN
The issues of the creation of institutional elites of the authorities constitute a problem that absorbs representatives of social sciences to this day. The processes of recruitment and selection, gaining social support and bottom-up legitimization seem to absorb not only the world of academics and practitioners of the political sphere but also citizens-electors. In this paper, an attempt has been made to give answers to questions concerning the participation of provincial assembly councillors elected in 2014 in the parliamentary elections held the following year. The issue of the scale of councillors’ activity, problems of their connection or its lack with a specific political bloc and specific territory have been considered, while the rest of the analysis refers to changes regarding the electoral support they gained.
EN
Andrzej Teodor Grabowski, the father of Adam Stanisław Grabowski, Bishop of Warmia, made two wills – the first when a terrible plague was raging in Royal Prussia in 1711 and the second in 1722 when he was 69 years old. In his will, he equitably divided his landed possessions. His estates were located on the border of Greater Poland and Royal Prussia - Pomeranian Voivodeship. The accumulated estate was fragmented into several parts by testamentary divisions, but by coincidence, his son Jan Michał again came into possession of all his father’s estates. The eldest son, becoming a senator, first bishop of Chełmno, then briefly of Kujawy and finally of Warmia, resigned from his department in favor of his younger brother, Jan Michał. Andrzej Teodor Grabowski made a monetary estimation of individual villages, so it is possible to find out from the will how noble fortunes were created and how they fell.
PL
Andrzej Teodor Grabowski ojciec biskupa warmińskiego Adama Stanisława Grabowskiego sporządził dwa testamenty – pierwszy gdy w Prusach Królewskich szalała straszna zaraza w 1711 roku i drugi w 1722 roku, gdy miał 69 lat. W testamencie sprawiedliwie podzielił majętności ziemskie. Jego posiadłości leżały na pograniczu Wielkopolski i Prus Królewskich – województwa pomorskiego Zgromadzony majątek podziałami testamentowymi rozdrobnił się na kilka części ale zbieg okoliczności sprawił, ze jego syn Jan Michał znów wszedł w posiadanie całości ojcowskich majątków. Najstarszy syn zostając senatorem wpierw biskupem chełmińskim później krótko kujawskim i wreszcie warmińskim zrezygnował z swego działu na rzecz młodszego brata Jana Michała. Andrzej Teodor Grabowski dokonał szacunku pieniężnego poszczególnych wsi zatem można na podstawie testamentu zorientować się jak powstawały szlacheckie fortuny i jak one upadały.
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