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Политическая культура польского общества

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Garlicki J.
Studia Politologiczne
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2013
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issue 30
68-94
EN
The text is devoted to the political culture of the Polish society after 1989. To show its specificity, the historic models of the political culture of the Polish society were referred to: both from the period of the First Republic of Poland and from the time of the People’s Republic of Poland. From the historic perspective a thesis is put forward that new significant phenomena emerged in the political culture of the Polish society after 1989. Certain values and behaviour models stimulate reforms of the system and favour the shaping of consolidated democracy, while others have a dysfunctional impact. On the example of trust in public institutions it may be stated that changes in the political culture took place within the axiological and the evaluative-affective components. The citizens’ expectations towards politicians rose and their criticism in assessing them increased. This might be a factor stimulating the improvement of the quality of democracy. For some time, a certain crisis of public confidence could be seen in the Polish parliamentary system. This is the more negative side of the ongoing processes. This does not mean, however, that the Polish society rejects pluralist democracy with its mechanisms. A huge part of the political elites is negatively assessed. In the opinion of many citizens they do not fulfill the standards required by the well-developed parliamentary democracy. The role of the new media in political communication is increasing and this will be a factor influencing the political culture. New opportunities should potentially favour the processes of improving the functioning of the democratic system, e.g. by stimulating the public debate. At the moment, however, it is more likely that the increasing use of the Internet in the field of politics as well as the development of the political culture will follow the scenario called technorealism. The people who are active in a variety of domains of social life, involving the field of politics, and who use the Internet will have greater and better opportunities to both obtain and create the information concerning politics. The people who are not very active and who are not interested in politics will not be encouraged by the Internet either to get interested in this field of social life or to participate therein. Besides, a considerable group of citizens still does not use the Internet. It may be called a group of digital marginalization. For them the opportunities of political information and participation provided by the new media are still Utopia.
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Political Culture of Polish Society

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Garlicki J.
Studia Politologiczne
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2014
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vol. 31
64-88
EN
New phenomena have appeared in the political culture of the Polish society and they have both good and bad sides. Certain values and models of behaviour are the factors that stimulate the system reforms and promote the formation of consolidated democracy, while some have dysfunctional effects. It can be said on the example of trust in public institutions that changes in political culture have occurred within the axiological and evaluative-affective component. The citizens’ demands towards politicians increased and criticism in assessing them grew. This can be a factor stimulating the quality of democracy. A certain temporary crisis in social trust in Polish parliament can be felt. This is the worse side of the ongoing processes. However, this does not mean that Polish society rejects pluralistic democracy and its mechanisms. On the other hand, a considerable part of the political elites are assessed negatively since – in the opinion of many citizens – they do not meet the standards required by developed parliamentary democracy. The role of the new media in political communication is growing and this is going to be a factor affecting political culture. The new possibilities should potentially facilitate the processes of improving the way of the functioning of the democratic system, if only through stimulating the public debate. However, at present it is more likely that the growth of the Internet use in the sphere of politics and the development of political culture will proceed according to a scenario called technorealism. It means that people who are active in various domains of social life, including the sphere of politics, and who use the Internet will have bigger and better chances to acquire and create information on political subjects. The possibilities of the Internet, on the other hand, will not make people who are not very active and who are not interested in politics get interested in this sphere of social life and participate in it. Besides, a considerable part of the citizens do not use the Internet. This group can be called a group of digital marginalization. For them, the possibilities of information and political participation created by the new media are still a utopia.
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Rekonstrukcja modelu kultury politycznej partii Polska Jest Najważniejsza w Internecie w kampanii parlamentarnej 2011 roku

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Godlewski T.
Studia Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 26
232+245
EN
The main objective of this paper was to analyze an internet political activity of Poland Comes First (Polish: Polska jest Najważniejsza) during the parliamentary elections campaign in 2011. For this purpose a multi-faceted evaluation of the model of PCF political culture was analyzed in three areas: substantive, communicational and social, and technical. The substantive dimension was evaluated on the basis of online program documents of the Party. The communication and social analysis was carried out to evaluate the campaign channels used in the Web 1.0 and 2.0 as well as to assess the content of materials published during the campaign of PCF. The technical evaluation was to compare the compliance of contents and forms of communication with objective rules that function on the Internet. The result of the final work is to develop a model of political culture of PCF presented during the parliamentary elections campaign in 2011.
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Мімікрія як деструктивний чинник політичної культури українського суспільства

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Бобрук А.
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
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2014
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vol. 4
174-182
EN
The article deals with important issues related with the sustainable existence of the Ukrainian society such negative phenomena as social and political mimicry. It considers that political mimicry is generally destructive,and facilitates the adaptation of political actors and their manipulation under citizens consciousness. It is shown that the nature of political mimicry is associated with the necessity of the struggle for power conservation status by political elite. The author defines political mimicry as a means of self-protection in crisis situations. This paper investigates the reasons for political mimicry existence in Ukrainian society, among them the author names „post soviet union „ attributes which are present in Ukrainian politics mental attitudes and behaviors at the level of elites. The author thinks that the main factors, both important components of Ukrainian society political culture which would provide immunity from political mimicry should be considered : the formation and development of public protest activities which demonstrate the appropriate level of political consciousness and culture and the activity of politically critical thinking citizens, specifically reflecting their political consciousness. Nowadays it should be an important feature of Ukrainian society political culture, especially in the context of mimicry politicians activity recognition. Besides it is important to establish real institution of political responsibility in Ukrainian society.
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Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe – ewaluacja internetowej kultury politycznej podczas kampanii parlamentarnej w 2011 roku

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Mider D., Marcinkowska A.
Studia Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 26
145-192
EN
The article focuses on analysis and evaluation of the manifestations of the internet political culture of the Polish Peasant Party in three dimensions: 1) content dimension, 2) socio-communicational dimension and 3) technical dimension. The first of these dimensions analyzes the content and form of the PSL election programme, and rates its availability on the Internet. With regard to the sociocommunicational dimension which is a key variable of the Internet electoral marketing following issues were examined: the types and nature of the arguments used by the PSL in the Internet discourse, the attitudes of PSL to the electorate and to other participants in the electoral game, the coherence of forms in which these messages are manifested. Technical dimension, in turn, relates to the accuracy of information and compliance of Web standards of PSL political culture: the ability and the adequacy of cultural codes adopted by surfers. The article ends with the synthesis encompassing evaluation of all the dimensions of political culture of PSL on the Internet.
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Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej – ewaluacja internetowej kultury politycznej podczas kampanii parlamentarnej w 2011 roku

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Chibowska A., Garlicki J., Mider D.
Studia Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 26
193-232
EN
The article contains a multi-dimensional analysis of the activity of the Democratic Left Alliance (Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) on the Internet during the parliamentary elections campaign in 2011. The scope of observation and analysis of the SLD’s activity allows to reconstruct and evaluate patterns of political culture in the following three dimensions: 1) programme offer dimension – including the scope and content of the election platform, 2) communicational and social dimension – focusing on the types and kinds of rhetorical expression, attitudes towards competitors, political opponents, and the electorate, and 3) technical dimension – encompassing aesthetics generated by the SLD’s web content and it’s compliance with the Internet political culture. Monitoring of all online channels of communication in the Web 1.0 and Web 2.0 were included into consideration: web sites, discussion forums, newsletters, social media profiles, blogs and microblogs.
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ПРОБЛЕМЫ КОНСТИТУЦИОНАЛИЗМА И ЕГО СУДЕБНОЙ ЗАЩИТЫ В ГОСУДАРСТВАХ ВОСТОЧНОЙ ЕВРОПЫ

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Суловски С., Залесны Я., i inni i. i.
Studia Politologiczne
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2014
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vol. 32
1-320
RU
Предложенный том «Studiów Politologicznych» («Политологические исследования») посвящен конституционализму государств Восточной Европы и его судебной защиты. В настоящее время конституция определяется как основной закон, полностью формирующий правовые рамки существующих в государстве политических, общественных и экономических отношений. Включает систему ценностей, реализованных и отображенных в правовых актах низшего уровня, во главе с законом, равно как и в индивидуальных решениях органов государственной власти. Конституция, как подчеркивают авторы опубликованных текстов, это не только акт, состоящий из правовых норм. Это также акт политического самоопределения, символическое выражение суверенности и независимости государств, возникших в результате распада Советского Союза. Как акт политической самоидентификации характеризуется необычайной силой политического и общественного воздействия. Вокруг конституции, содержащихся в ней политический ценностей, формируются крупные политические группы. Они трактуют конституцию как свой акт, акт, объединяющий их с государством, его конкретным строем. Поэтому, немаловажно то, в каком режиме конституция была принята, на каких политических ценностях основана. Являются ли эти ценности фактором, определяющим модели политического поведения, существующего в государстве, или, напротив, – конституция является муляжом государственного строя, актом в исходной точке отдаленном от того, что должно быть в государстве реализовано, без перенесения на деятельность органов государственной власти.
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ELITY POLITYCZNE A INTERNAUCI. STUDIUM KULTURY POLITYCZNEJ W OKRESIE WYBORÓW

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Garlicki J., Mider D., i inni i. i.
Studia Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 26
1-358
PL
W niniejszym tomie „Studiów Politologicznych” zamieszczono teksty dotyczące kultury politycznej polskich elit politycznych i obywateli w Internecie w okresie wyborów parlamentarnych 2011 roku. Kompleksowe badanie kultury politycznej w Internecie, wielostronne i wyczerpujące rozpoznanie tego zjawiska ma kluczowe znaczenie dla rozwoju i funkcjonowania współczesnych demokracji w warunkach powszechnego włączania tego medium w proces polityczny. Internet od początku swego powstania budził przeciwstawne uczucia badaczy zjawisk politycznych: z jednej strony – mocne nadzieje, z drugiej – głębokie obawy odnośnie kształtu, jaki demokracje mogą przybierać pod jego wpływem. W literaturze przedmiotu odnajdujemy liczne optymistyczne nurty: od umiarkowanych do utopijnych. Umiarkowani optymiści żywią silne przekonanie, że Internet może rewitalizować i rozwijać kulturę polityczną demokratycznego uczestnictwa poprzez wzmocnienie i zintensyfikowanie zaangażowania w politykę grup już w niej działających i – do pewnego, ograniczonego stopnia – wciągnięcie do uczestnictwa nowych grup nieuczestniczących dotychczas w niej w szerokim zakresie. Nurt ten nazywany jest technorealizmem. Z kolei radykalni optymiści oczekują, że poprzez Internet dokonana zostanie redefinicja relacji pomiędzy władzą a obywatelami, co w efekcie doprowadzi do zarzucenia form demokracji przedstawicielskiej na rzecz nowych, bezpośrednich i oddolnych jej form. Na określenie tego nurtu posługujemy się określeniem scenariusza Panglossa. Powstanie i rozwój Internetu spowodowały pojawienie się, oprócz optymistycznych, również pesymistycznych scenariuszy dotyczących jego oddziaływania na demokratyczną kulturę polityczną. Wskazuje się przede wszystkim na niebezpieczeństwo możliwego zubożenia kultury politycznej i atrofii partycypacji politycznej – zaniku demokratycznych instytucji wskutek zniechęcenia się obywateli do uczestnictwa w polityce. Wielu badaczy uznaje, że taka degradacja kultury politycznej może być wywołana przez media, zwłaszcza przez Internet. Taki sposób myślenia o negatywnym wpływie mediów na zaangażowanie obywatelskie nosi w literaturze przedmiotu nazwę videoapatii (videomalaise). Pojęcie to oznacza taki wpływ mediów, który sprowadza obywatela do roli biernego konsumenta informacji, przedkładającego wiedzę o ciekawych i przyjemnych wydarzeniach nad wiedzę o wydarzeniach ważnych. Po drugie, przewiduje się niebezpieczeństwo wprowadzenia totalitarnej kontroli nad społeczeństwem, co może być spowodowane połączeniem rozwoju Internetu z rozwojem technik nadzoru i rejestracji danych. Taki właśnie sposób myślenia o wzajemnych relacjach nowych technologii i demokracji został nazwany przez Benjamina R. Barbera scenariuszem Pandory.
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Роль державних нагород у процесі формування вітчизняної політичної свідомості та культури

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Пахолок В.
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
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2017
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vol. 7
245-253
EN
It was examined state awards as a resource of influence on the process of formation of political consciousness and culture. It was revealed the specificity of the use of state awards in the national political and cultural practice. The niche of state awards institutionally is in the structure of political symbols, and therefore entirely covers the functions of political symbols. Communication means, control and cognitive function is distinguished among the most significant general-symbolic functions. However, state awards have their inherent and own functions: political, stimulating, ideological, social, symbolic, diplomatic. It was found out that the modern domestic awards practice has traditional affinity with the period of Soviet statehood which left a significant political and cultural imprint, although work on the creation of the national awards system in Ukraine began immediately after proclamation of independence. State awards obtained their legal definition on March 16, 2000 with the adoption of the Law of Ukraine "On State Awards of Ukraine". By that time a rather holistic system of distinctions has already been formed which could mark the merits of almost all spheres of public life. This law distinguishes such types of awards: Hero of Ukraine title; order; medal; nominal firearms award; honorary title of Ukraine; state prize of Ukraine; presidential award. The title of the Hero of Ukraine is the highest degree of distinction, its assignment, depending on the grounds, includes the awarding of an order of the "Golden Star" - for doing a prominent heroic act, or an order of the state - for outstanding work achievements. Often, presenting of state awards is an artificial attempt to create a cause for strengthening the social image of the government among the public, and in particular the wide range of awardees. So, six medals out of ten in Ukraine are commemorative and jubilee. Typically, the number of people presented by them is measured by hundreds or even by thousands. They are presented not for a particular merit, but as a reminder that the authorities are aware of pre-committed heroic deeds or events and persons involved in them. At the same time such awards represent a form of historical memory, contribute to emphasizing certain events of the past. In general the use of state awards as a mechanism of ranking political and historical priorities is a widespread world practice. In this context the Polish "East Cross" award is a sign of gratitude, respect and memory for those people who helped the Poles who were persecuted because of their nationality in the East in the years 1937-1959. The initiators of the award introduction focused on the award Yad Vashem - "Righteous among the Nations". The political and cultural orientation of state awards is also seen in the nomination of state awards. There are four state awards: Taras Shevchenko National Prize of Ukraine, State Prize of Ukraine in the field of architecture, Oleksandr Dovzhenko State Prize of Ukraine, State Prize of Ukraine in the field of education are oriented at leaders who are capable by virtue of their profession to convey a certain ideology to the society. And only the State Prize of Ukraine in the field of science and technology allows nomination of representatives of other professions. Each system of state awards under the condition of well-balanced domestic policy is formed in accordance with the strategic directions of social development and coordinates the demands of the society with the state interests. The lack of such coordination can cause a crisis of legitimacy of awards and as a consequence - distrust of state institutions, doubt in correctness of public policy and social justice. The authority of state awards and accordingly their positive influence on the political consciousness of society greatly undermine misunderstandings that arise periodically around their awarding. So, despite significant cultural devaluation, state awards are not only a political symbol, an attribute of the country, stimulus for hard work and an effective resource of influence on formation of political consciousness. With proper information campaign, schooling and education, the positive effect of this resource can be strengthened in times. Qualitative visualization of award procedures should be ensured by using the potential of political rituals with broad involvement of the media. Presenting with high state awards must be the subject of television shows and be displayed in systematically adjusted social advertising.
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Политические ценности демократии в России, Беларуси и Польше: сравнительный анализ

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Василенко И. А., Титаренко Л. Г., Абассы М.
Studia Politologiczne
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2016
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vol. 40
100-112
EN
The article demonstrates the general and special aspects of system of political values in different political cultures. The authors of three of the neighboring countries show that although the values of freedom, equality, social justice and democracy are shared by the population of Russia, Belarus, Poland, there are significant differences in the interpretation of their context in the national culture.
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Prawosławie jako element kultury politycznej na współczesnej Ukrainie

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Wawrzonek M.
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
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2015
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vol. 5
208-219
EN
The aim of the article is to analyse the place and importance of the Orthodox Church in the political culture of Ukraine after 1991. The term “political culture” is understood in accordance with the approach suggested by Kenneth Jowitt. It allows for a fairly good understanding of the reasons for which institutions and symbols associated with the Orthodox religion are so heavily involved in the political life of Ukraine. The article briefly characterizes the most important factors that make up the specificity of Ukrainian post-Soviet political culture. These are: the system of nomenclature (at the level of the elites), neopatrimonialism (at the level of the regime) and the consequences of Sovietization (at the level of the community). The way that Orthodoxy is present in behaviour and social practice which make up political culture at each of these levels is analysed in the subsequent part of the article. It seems that its effect on the political culture of Ukraine is ambivalent. This means that in some areas Orthodoxy is conducive to maintaining fixed patterns and mechanisms characteristic of post-Soviet reality, while in others it is a catalyst for change, which means implementing practices and social elements of the Western European model of political culture.
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