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EN
The Estonian parliament is the only institution in the country that may call a referendum, i.e. the parliament itself can formulate the crucial question and put it forward for people to vote. The constitution, though, lacks the institution to harness the people's initiative, giving citizens an opportunity to put some questions or draft acts to vote by themselves. A large group of MP’s submitted a draft of an amendment to the constitution which would add people's initiative, with 25,000 signatures gathered, enabling them to put a draft act or question for vote. This draft act was in legislative proceedings on two separate occasions but failed to be completed and take effect within those eight years. In the parliamentary debates we could see a strong „clash of discourses“. On the one side, the proponents of direct democracy stressed different aspects of „alienation of power“; unfortunately the parliament as a representative body maintained the sole monopoly to act, while the parliamentary elections have been media-manipulated by certain interest groups. Alternately, other speakers on the contrarian-side shared the view according to which direct democracy is unnecessary, even risky, populist means to cope with the strain of governance. Curiously, the deliberations in the parliament did not change anything; previously existing relationships of power were maintained.
EN
The study aims to characterize the general tendency of centre-right and catholic-conservative government of the austrian chancellor Josef Klaus towrds the technocratic policy in the 1960s. The Neothomist idea of objective and universal Order expressed in the rule of law and civil society, the politics of western personalism as well as image of american-style management seems alltogether to be the major inspirational sources for the austrian technocratic policy in the era. My study recognize the political purpose and benefits of this policy, but also define its very limits and its incapacity to move beyond over shadows of austrian history and to shift the austrian public life to the form of so called "open society" based on dialogue and critique.
EN
The paper discusses the language as the way of manipulation and evaluation. It begins with the explanation of the term ‘language manipulation’ in relation to my reflections on the evaluative speech. I imply that the linguistic ways of manipulation could be divided into (a) a positive way to convince or to influence somebody (for his/her advantage) and (b) a negative way to convince or to influence somebody (for self-interest) that is to disguise one’s true interests. The evaluative function is neither a distinctive nor a defining feature of one’s manipulative statements and vice versa. These both functions of the language in use (that is the evaluative and the manipulative) are connected to discourses where the evaluative and manipulative structures are used (e.g. political discourses, advertising text) and where the intention of the speaker to evaluate and to manipulate can be indicated. The interpretation of these both functions of the language (in use) by the receiver is extremely difficult and may always remain an issue for further discussion. That is why some randomly chosen grammar structures (for example “mein(e) X ist dein(e) X” [my X is your X], “X mit X” [X with X], “X-Werte für Y” [X-value term for Y] etc.) presented in this paper cannot be cosidered a system or to be of methodical, systematic nature. It is rather an interpretative or explanatory description of the chosen specific and authentic corpus-driven examples from the domain of politics and advertising.
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