Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 6

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  political freedom
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
100%
Avant
|
2019
|
vol. 10
|
issue 1
59-76
EN
This essay diagnoses the condition of contemporary liberal democracies. It assumes that the current crisis of democracy is not the result of an external ideological threat, but it is the result of the lack of a coherent vision of democracy itself. The author recognises that the key symptom of the contemporary crisis is the decreasing involvement of citizens in public life and their growing reluctance to participate in public debate. He claims that the reason for this is the increasing social polarisation. The article considers two forms of polarisation: vertical (on the line: politicians–voters) and horizontal (on the line of ideological social divisions). The first form is illustrated by Colin Crouch’s considerations, while the second one by Fareed Zakaria’s thoughts. What finds its manifestation in both cases is the phenomenon of citizens’ resignation from participation in the public debate; in the first case it is because of the lack of faith in the effectiveness of this type of opiniongiving mechanism, while in the second case it is because of the lack of recognition of other political and ideological options in society. These reflections are concluded in the postulate that the basic task facing democracy today is to maintain the public sphere as open as possible, i.e. not excluding any ideological position in advance. This kind of conclusion is illustrated with the concepts of Chantal Mouffe (political perspective) and Helmuth Plessner (philosophical-anthropological perspective).
Avant
|
2019
|
vol. 10
|
issue 1
29-42
EN
This paper is devoted to clarifying Hannah Arendt’s concept of political freedom (which, at certain points, is markedly obscure) by the means of analysing its structure. My analysis proceeds in three steps. Firstly, I distinguish a pre-political concept of freedom as exercising spontaneity, which is at the root of Arendt’s understanding of political freedom. Secondly, I analyse her account of freedom as exercising action and indicate its relationship to the elementary freedom of spontaneity. Arendt endowed action with a distinguished importance, since she assumed that it is the only activity within the vita activa (the other two being labour and work), which has a special anthropological and axiological significance. According to Arendt, only action allows one to truly experience the fundamental aspect of the human condition, which is the fact of human plurality; it is also the only activity which allows one to exercise specifically public principles, such as solidarity, equality, or justice. Thirdly, I indicate how these two accounts of freedom translate into Arendt’s concept of political freedom. This analysis reveals that the Arendtian concept of political freedom is markedly original. She did not define it in a usual manner, i.e. through indicating bundles of legal and political rights which determine the accepted scope of participation in the public affairs. The inherent part of her concept of political freedom is a specific account of how it must be exercised (i.e. through action). Political freedom understood as the participation in governance exercised through action is not merely an activity of instrumental, but also anthropological and axiological importance, which is due to the special anthropological and axiological meaning of action. In the final section, I discuss the practical dimension of Arendt’s theory. She doubted whether the traditional representative democracy is capable of accommodating her ‘rich’ ideal of political freedom, therefore she proposed an alternative account of political system based on councils. I formulate objections against this proposition and demonstrate that councils would presumably fail to accommodate Arendt’s exacting account of political freedom
RU
Достижение концептуальной определенности в отношении понимания представительной демократии приобретает особую значимость в условиях формирования на постсоветском пространстве реального конституционализма. В статье на основе анализа обширной практики российского конституционного правосудия раскрываются важнейшие содержательные характеристики представительной демократии. Представительная демократия рассматривается как конституционная ценность, цель, принцип, организационная форма народовластия, характеристика конституционного режима, а также сфера реализации правового статуса личности.
EN
The conceptual certainty regarding the meaning of representative democracy has special importance in conditions of formation on the post-Soviet space of a real constitutionalism. The most important substantive aspects of the representative democracy are analyzed in the article on the basis of the extensive practice of the Russian constitutional justice review. The representative democracy is considered as the constitutional value, goal, principle, organized form of the grass-roots democracy, characteristic of the constitutional regime, as well as sphere of the individual’s constitutional status realization.
PL
Międzynarodowe prawo pracy, zarówno o charakterze uniwersalnym, jak i regionalnym, wyznacza standardy ochrony wolności i praw człowieka, w szczególności wolności zrzeszania się w związki zawodowe. Niektóre akty prawne wskazują cel, do którego państwa-strony powinny dążyć; niektóre z nich stały się częścią polskiego obowiązującego prawodawstwa w drodze ratyfikacji. W niniejszej publikacji podjęte zostały rozważania nad zakresem wolności prawnie chronionej, wyznaczonej standardami międzynarodowymi, służącej urzeczywistnieniu zasady demokracji społecznej. Istotny aspekt stanowi określenie kręgu podmiotów, którym akty prawa międzynarodowego przyznają omawianą wolność, sposób ujęcia – w kategorii wolności bądź prawa, jak również określenie elementów składających się na pojęcie wolności zrzeszania się w związki zawodowe.
EN
International labor law,bothuniversaland regional, sets standards for the protectionof freedomand human rights, in particular freedomof association intrade unions. Some actsindicate thepurpose for which theState Partyshall endeavor, some have become part ofthe Polishlegislation in forceby ratification. Inthis publicationhave been takenconsideringthescope of thelibertyprotectedby lawdesignatedinternational standards, aimed at the attainment ofsocialdemocracy. An importantaspectis the identification ofthe class of personsto whomactsof international lawgivefreedomdiscussed, treatment – in the categoryof freedomorrights, as well as to determinethe elements of theconcept of freedomof association intrade unions.
RU
В то время, как очередные повстанческие попытки были безуспешными, а страны-завоеватели – сильными, Эдвард Абрамовский выступил с новаторской идеей вернуть независимость польского общества. Он посчитал, что народное освобождение необходимо соединить с освобождением общественным и экономическим. Он был убежден, что это было возможным благодаря социалистическим идеям и идее кооперативизма. Польское общество, особенно т.н. отстающие слои, организованное в кооперативы должно было превратиться в экономическую и одновременно организационную сеть над структурой стран-завоевателей. Цель кооперативов состояла в культурно-образовательной деятельности, в том числе они должны были отвечать за формирование политической культуры. Эта деятельность должна была приготовить польское общество к обретению политической свободы.
EN
In the situation of failures of consecutive uprisings and the power of the occupying countries, Edward Abramowski proposed an innovative idea of independence by Polish society. He considered that national liberation should be connected with the social and economic liberation. In his belief it was possible by reference to socialist ideas and idea of cooperatism. Polish society, especially the so-called impaired classes, organized in cooperatives, would create a economic and also the organizational network over the partitioners structure. Cooperatives would also have a goal to cultural and educational activities and also should allow for the formation of political culture. These actions were to prepare the Polish nation to regain a political freedom.
Tematy i Konteksty
|
2023
|
vol. 18
|
issue 13
69-87
EN
Franciszek Salezy Gawroński (1787-1871) was a soldier in Napoleon's army, a november insurgent, a politician and a social activist in the Republic of Cracow. He was an important figure in the social life of Cracow. He was also the author of memoirs covering almost seventy years of the nineteenth century, most of which remain in manuscript. The article presents Gawroński's attitude to the issue of freedom, primarily political. This issue changed with the author's subsequent experiences, with his participation in successive political events, and with his imprisonment.  
PL
Franciszek Salezy Gawroński (1787-1871) był żołnierzem armii napoleońskiej, powstańcem listopadowym, politykiem i działaczem społecznym w Rzeczypospolitej Krakowskiej. Był ważną postacią w życiu społecznym Krakowa. Był także autorem pamiętników obejmujących blisko siedemdziesiąt lat XIX wieku, z których większość zachowała się w rękopisie. Artykuł przedstawia stosunek Gawrońskiego do kwestii wolności, przede wszystkim politycznej. Kwestia ta zmieniała się wraz z kolejnymi doświadczeniami autora, jego udziałem w kolejnych wydarzeniach politycznych, a także uwięzieniem.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.