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EN
My aim in this paper is to problematize assumptions that underlie civic education as it is practiced in polish schools. The main object of my criticism is the absence of axiological dimension in the social studies curriculum. This absence is construed in the context of present social and political realities, such as: the growth of right wing populist parties, the popularity of nationalist ideas and practices among the younger generation, the presence of hate speech in the public sphere and the growing wave of chauvinism and xenophobia. In this context, the main thesis of this paper is that pupils and students need to be provided with a symbolic universe founded on radical values such as justice, equality and solidarity. Those values could be a base for political identities alternative to the essentialist, and exclusionary identity offered by the modern right wing populism.
EN
The author of the article notes that modern Ukraine is in a state of systemic transformation, the essence of which is to choose between conservative and modernization projects of the formation of Ukrainian statehood. This choice is compounded by the state of the socio-political crisis, military aggression and the weakness of its own geopolitical strategy. The leading factor in overcoming the modern challenges and the formation of a sovereign democratic state is the identification of citizens in public life, their consolidation around a common system of values. The processes of consolidation of Ukrainian society are clearly reflected in the dynamics of geopolitical priorities, as they serve as a unique marker of the citizens’ position in all the most important issues of political development. Together with their cultural and civilization choice, Ukrainians choose between democracy and authoritarianism, legal protection and corruption, equal cooperation in the international arena and the status of «younger brother». It is Ukraine’s role in the geopolitical environment that is crucial for its foreign policy aimed at forming strategic partnerships and effective protection of sovereignty in the international arena. At the same time, the main function of foreign policy is to compensate for internal problems and create favorable conditions for the realization and protection of national interests. The study of empirical indexes on the geopolitical orientation of Ukrainians made it possible to determine the main tendencies and peculiarities of the processes of foreign policy identification in modern Ukraine. It is noted that there is a rather active formation of a civil consensus around the Euro-Atlantic civilization’s choice. This is evidenced by an increase in the support of this choice in the national dimension and a marked convergence of regional positions on this issue. The conclusion is drawn about the formation of a stable tendency to strengthen the European integration orientations of Ukrainians. The continuation of military, political and cultural-information aggression of Russia makes the greatest influence on this tendency. The main motives of the European choice of Ukrainians are the desire for material well-being, legal protection and adherence to democratic values. In most cases, rapprochement with NATO is justified by the aspirations of the country’s security, reliable protection against aggressive actions, first of all, of Russia. In addition, the objective is to modernize the army in accordance with international standards and to increase the international prestige of Ukraine. The idea of Eurasian integration is noticeably losing its popularity, especially in the regions directly confronted with the military aggression of Russia (East and West). The idea of a kind of neutrality, that is, non-alignment with any unions, preserves the considerable support, mainly due to the passage of votes from the camp of opponents of rapprochement with the EU and NATO. The identified trends in the dynamics of the geopolitical priorities of Ukrainians are largely due to external factors and are still hardly supported by the domestic reforms of the country, as negative things such as corruption, low level of trust in power, slow pace of modernization of socio-economic sphere and low welfare of citizens persist. Under such conditions, the Ukrainian political elite should focus on the creation and implementation of effective strategies for integration and identification of citizens at the expense of real modernization of the economy and raising the standard of living.
EN
The article analyzes the relationships between self-perceptions of class and political identifications in Barrio Operario, a railway district located in the municipality of San Isidro, in the northern suburbs of Buenos Aires (Argentina). Following an interdisciplinary methodological framework, we will dwell on three periods: the neighborhood origin and organization linked to the “Justicialist strategy” of development (1945-1955); its gradual but sustained evolution as a “slum”, fundamentally associated with Argentina’s “opening strategy” (1976-2002) and, finally, its urbanization since 2003, within the framework of the “post-neoliberal society”. We will allocate a section to each one of them, preceded by a review of the contributions that, from the sociological, historical, and ethnographic approaches, allowed us to understand the class configurations and their political identifications.
ES
El artículo analiza las relaciones entre las autopercepciones de clase y las identificaciones políticas en Barrio Operario, un vecindario ferroviario situado en el municipio de San Isidro, sector norte del conurbano de Buenos Aires (Argentina). Siguiendo una estrategia metodológica interdisciplinaria nos detendremos en tres periodos: su origen y organización ligados a la “estrategia justicialista” de desarrollo (1945-1955); su paulatino pero sostenido devenir como “villa miseria”, asociado fundamentalmente a la “estrategia aperturista” (1976-2002); y, finalmente, su urbanización desde 2003, en el marco de la “sociedad posneoliberal”. Destinaremos un acápite a cada uno de ellos, antecedidos por una reseña de las contribuciones que, desde los abordajes sociológicos, históricos y etnográficos permitieron comprender las configuraciones de clase y sus identificaciones políticas.   
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