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EN
With the formation of the idea of Christianitas in Europe, reflection on the relationship between human nature and political power acquired an additional dimension. By maintaining, at least in part, what Hellenic thought had established, Christianity introduced a new category to political and legal reflection, that of divine revealed law – lex divina. Revelation is primarily eschatological and individual in nature – it shows man the way to salvation. At the same time, however, this issue is not politically indifferent...
PL
Wraz z uformowaniem się w Europie idei Christianitas refleksja dotycząca relacji między naturą człowieka i władzą polityczną uzyskała inny niż dotychczas wymiar. Zachowując, przynajmniej po części, ustalenia, do których doszła myśl helleńska, chrześcijaństwo wprowadziło do namysłu polityczno-prawnego nową kategorię. Było nią boskie prawo objawione – lex divina. Objawienie ma przede wszystkim wymiar eschatologiczny i jednostkowy – wskazuje człowiekowi drogę do zbawienia. Zarazem jednak kwestia ta jest nieobojętna politycznie...
EN
After the adoption of the understanding of political power as a game of social agen-cy in a politically organized community, the author states that the scope of the subjectivi-ty of both sides of power relations is variable, but the subjectivity of subordinates cannot be completely reduced. He defines political opposition as a normatively regulated and institutionally realized right to resist power entities.
EN
The author stressed and emphasized some of the most interesting papers which were presented during the 11th East-West Philosophers’ Conference: “Place.”
EN
A review of Krzysztof Pałecki’s latest monograph “Theory of Power”. The conception of the work, its original composition expressed in the structure, as well as distinctive features distinguishing the work on the Polish publishing market are discussed. Elements making the work difficult to perceive (the use of bullet points, the lack of a clearly marked ending) are also pointed out. The work is worth reviewing due to its innovative contribution to the social sciences, especially in considering the theory of power.
EN
This paper regards the urban street as social space, where different symbolic interactions occur between individuals and groups of people. The established social and political order within this space happens to be disturbed by different forms of protest. An article attempts to compare the course of riots in former times to those at present. The comparison implies that the functional grandness of the urban street belongs to the past. This is mainly caused by new legal regulations restricting freedom of assembly and the new tele-electronic media space, and by a deepening division of the Polish society into different groups of interest, and its consequent inability to consolidate. An indirect cause also is the new order and mentality developed in democratic societies and by a consumeristic lifestyle.
EN
Political corruption is a multidimensional phenomenon, concerning political authorities at all possible levels. It is defined as the abuse of power by political entities in order to obtain personal benefits in the form of greater power or wealth. It shows that the subject of political corruption is not only material benefits but also the mechanisms of increasing the influence or special treatment. The character of political corruption results in the public interest in it, enhanced by the public character of the individuals it refers to. It is also influenced by the processual character of the phenomenon itself, but first of all by the specific attractive nature of corruption in social awareness. The article presents the findings of research concerning opinions on political corruption. Its goal is to study the relationships between the respondents' opinions on political authorities' honesty and the determinants of corrupt phenomena. The main research question is: Is there any relationship between the person's opinion on political authorities' honesty and the person's perception of political corruption? The hypothesis related to the question assumes there is a connection between the perception of political authorities' honesty and the evaluation of components of political corruption. The research is part of a research project carried out by the IPSO ORDO Academic Foundation on the perception of the corruption phenomenon in the public domain.
Studia Ełckie
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2013
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vol. 15
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issue 4
483-501
EN
Someone once claimed that every person is a citizen of two countries: of their own, and of the United States of America. This is obvious hyperbole, perhaps written when Europeans were even more fascinated by America’s political ex-periment, economic expansion, and population growth than by its popular cul-ture. Peoples the world over do not automatically identify with the United States; in fact, many define themselves in opposition to it. The article first ex-amines some primary political powers in American politics, and then traces certain distinct philosophies as responsible for affecting perspectives on centralized government, socioeconomic affairs, foreign policy, and socio-cultural issues.
EN
In the paper the author singles out three types of social order, that is the way of a social organization from the political power point of view: 1) religious order, 2) masterful order, and 3) civil order. The basic form of the social order is the state. According to the author the main difference between, from one had, the first two types, and the third from the other, lies in different political relation between the government and the rank and file members of the state. In the case of the first two types – religious and masterful – all members, “citizens”, are subject to the state, whereas in the case of civil order – the state is subject to its citizens. Poland after demise of communism has developed apparently a civil state, but Polish civil society has been still rather weak. The author of the essay is searching for the roots of this weakness in the Polish history.
EN
The paper works with sources that describe the rule of Master Jan Pašek z Vratu over the unified towns of Prague and come primarily from his sworn adversaries. The text analyses the “denunciation strategy” used by Pašek’s opponents and shows that a significant part of the assertions about Pašek is in fact an inversion of the generally recognised ideal of a virtuous Christian ruler.
Studia Humana
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2016
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vol. 5
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issue 2
3-12
EN
This paper assesses the fundamental relation between the Islamic-political movements and establishment of the Islamic law (Shari’a). I argue against the critiques of western foreign policy and show that the Islamic State (Caliphate) is both a result of the historical process of the people of a region and the extreme interpretation of the text and Sunna which emphasizes on the traditional Sharia law and the concept of Jihad by fortifying political Islam qua militant Islam. I argue that the Islamic revival aims to a certain political order which threatens the world security and peace. Moreover, I argue that the structural violation of Human Rights is rooted in the traditional concept of Islamic law or Sharia, which obtains its immunity by an illegitimate power. This traditional Islamic law is the inalienable character of authoritarian/totalitarian regimes. This paper is based on the assumption that the extreme ideological/theoretical interpretation implies the empirical objectives of Militant Islamic community with or without any external influential elements. In this sense, we can address the question: how different interpretations and traditions in executing the Islamic Sharia give the social and political grounds a seed for the emergence of violence and terrorism. At the end, this paper ends with a propose which emphasizes on the role of international cooperation to find a resolution and also on the education as a long-term plan to defeat extremism and terrorism.
Horyzonty Polityki
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2019
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vol. 10
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issue 32
31-46
EN
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The objective of the article is an analysis of the Epic of Gilgamesh from the perspective of political philosophy. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The main research prob­lem undertaken in this article is the problem of human nature and its connec­tion with political power in light of the Sumero-Akkadian Epic of Gilgamesh. The article is based on an analysis of the source text (the Epic of Gilgamesh) in the English version by Andrew George, with the secondary literature also taken into consideration. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The point of departure is a jus­tification of the subject undertaken here, with a reference to Leo Strauss’ po­litical philosophy. Next, three key aspects of the subject matter are analyzed: the humanization of Enkidu, the search for immortality, and the conception of political power. RESEARCH RESULTS: The main result of the scientific analysis is the in­dication of themes concerning the significance and understanding of human nature and their relationship to the concept of political power that formed in Mesopotamia. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In the conclusions, the author indicates the unmistakable presence of a notion of human nature in Sumero-Akkadian reflection, as well as the connection between this notion of human nature and a paradigm of political power. The author also points to a religious aspect crucial for understanding these concepts.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyse the value of myth and legend in shaping historical policy. The activity of politicians and their influence on shaping historical policy is most often associated with political change, secession, reconstruction, or state renewal. The creators of these transformations seek to find historical connections in the past that would legitimise the changes and the purposefulness of the actions taken by the government. Historians play a considerable role in such endeavours; however, they should not forget historical truth, which may conflict with political needs.
EN
This article establishes how ordinary people understand classical categories of political thought. By interpreting qualitative data, we show how contemporary Polish society conceives such fundamental concepts of political philosophy as ‘the individual,’ ‘society,’ and ‘the state.’ Finally, we point out the implications of our findings for political science and political sociology, especially in regard to popular political culture.
EN
A democratic state involves the existence of a fundamental Law which expressly states values and democratic principles that are universally, internationally and regionally recognized. Specialized literature has shown that the mission of the modern state can only be fulfilled by a public power that is its essential characteristic, namely, through sovereignty [1]. The connection between sovereignty and political power is reflected in the complex relationships between the principle of separation and balance of powers, rule of law, political pluralism and state institutions and organizations.
EN
The article contain analysis of election campaign the West Pomeranian Law and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) structures between 2005 and 2007. Description of the series form the regional, not central point of view have been dictated by possibilities of deeper analysis political formation development on the local level. This have made through rehearsal periphrasis of PiS local and general elections activity on the West Pomerania and following phases of the Party’s structures extension. Conclusions affirm that PiS built strong sections in all over-local districts of West Pomerania region, enlarged a lot number of its members, reached intermediate influence on selfgovernment activity and installed its representatives in Parliament. All nominated elements have showed real inveteracy of PiS in local communities, what have directly moved on the Party’s potential in country’s scale.
PL
W artykule zaprezentowano rozwój zachodniopomorskich struktur Prawa i Sprawiedliwości w latach 2005–2007. Wybór, jako tematu badań, tego właśnie przedziału czasu spowodowany był niezwykłą intensywnością zmian zachodzących wówczas na scenie politycznej. Dokonano tego poprzez szczegółowe omówienie startów wyborczych PiS na Pomorzu Zachodnim oraz kolejnych etapów rozwoju samej struktury partyjnej. Wnioski wynikające z analizy potwierdzają, że ugrupowanie to skutecznie zakorzeniło się w lokalnych społecznościach, wzmacniając tym samym potencjał PiS w skali kraju.
Studia Humana
|
2015
|
vol. 4
|
issue 3
14-36
EN
Political participation and the public education that have always been deployed to support the incipient progress of the civic life are revived in the modern political discourses. It has been believed that the age of pre-Socrates was the age of the Sophists whose acrid fallacy works occupied the political sphere, a malaise in government. However, speaking non-traditionally in the modern pedagogical system, there were some pre-Socratic thinkers and political philosophers/orators who’s works are the backbone of modern discourse on this matter. It will be examined whether any part of the classical rhetoric apparatus can be recovered and put to a good practice in the modern education and modern political participation. This point will be illustrated, furthermore, in this paper by alleging the importance of rhetoric, its role in Ancient Greek Democracy, and its influence on the modern concepts of power and democracy, as a continual element in a historical-political life. The further consideration is whether there was any democratic Polis existed in Ancient Athens and then, if there was, what characteristics it consisted of. Moreover, whether such concept can or should be considered in modern political discourses. In this sense, the liberal, non-dogmatic strain of the sophistry of Isocrates tradition urges us to indicate that the findings of this educational principles are, if not necessary, but adjutant complementary metes to our modern political knowledge of the states. In the end, it is inquired to see comparatively that how the tradition of rhetorical art and the concept of power in the Ancient Greek society have pertained to the modern democratic elements and whether we are able to empower this influential element in modern states.
EN
The article contain development of West Pomeranian Law and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) structures between 2005 and 2007. The choice of that period as the subject of researches have been imposed by especially fluctuation of political scene. Description of the series form the regional not central point of view have been dictated by possibilities of deeper analysis political formation development on the local level. This have made through rehearsal periphrasis of PiS general elections activity on the West Pomerania and following phases of the Party’s structures extension. Conclusions affirm that PiS built strong sections in all over-local districts of West Pomerania region after 2005, enlarged a lot number of its members, reached direct influence on self-government activity and installed its representatives in Parliament. All nominated elements have showed real inveteracy of PiS in local communities, what have directly moved on the Party’s potential in country’s scale.
PL
Przemiany polityczne dokonujące się w Polsce po 1989 roku charakteryzowały się od początku dużą dynamiką oraz zmiennością. Cechy te, tak typowe dla młodych demokracji wydawały się zaniknąć w momencie przejęcia władzy przez Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (SLD) w 2001 roku. Stabilna większość, prezydent pochodzący z własnego obozu politycznego i korzyści płynące z wejścia w struktury Unii Europejskiej (UE) zdawały się zwiastować wieloletnie rządy lewicy. Nadrzędnym celem artykułu jest dokonanie pogłębionej analizy rozwoju partii na poziomie regionalnym.
EN
The analysis of theoretical and methodological aspects of the essence, content and specificity of the application of technologies’ legitimation of political power in Ukraine at the stage of democratic transformation has been shown in the article. These technologies are defined as a kind of social engineering, deliberate, purposeful action to influence a wide range of subjects of political relations, with the aim of creating a positive image of the government using evidence-based set of tools, methods and procedures. The attention has been focused on the unexplored side of the legitimation of power – its symbolic regulation and organizations, in particular the mythologizing and ideologizing. The legitimacy of power in Ukraine before the events of the Euromaidan was being achieved thanks to legitimate technology of simulation of democratic changes, which is a type of the virtualization technology. The analysis of the nature of the relationship between the state and society at the time of independence with the release of the respective stages, which in fact match the timing of presidential candidacies and is evidenced by the domination of certain legitimate technologies, has been implemented. At the present stage of socio-political development of Ukraine the populism in all the richness of its forms and manifestations and means of use acquires threatening volumes. The most dangerous consequences of destructive influence of populism are: the formation of an overly simplified picture of the socio-political reality; the delegitimization of the existing political and social order due to its constant criticism; the formation of two-dimensional («people» – «enemies») picture of the world with the simultaneous vulgarization of the complex problems’ solution, etc. The process of legitimation of political power during elections, and, respectively, the related electoral technologies, occurs at all stages of the electoral process – well before the official nomination of the applicants to obtain powers. For example, for the formation of public opinion in the period between elections the technology of the customized polls which referred to the defendants in the upcoming elections is used. The legitimation of power occurs during the nomination and registration of candidates, political parties and blocks of political parties – participants in the electoral competition, in the formation of their campaign offices and funds of the election commissions, election campaigning, the actual voting and also during appeals and judicial processes. Especially dangerous to society and to the development of democracy is manipulative constitutional and legal technology, when the electoral laws and even constitutional provisions «wing» as the political situation. The ruling circles with the manner of application of certain provisions of the electoral system, particularly the type of electoral system, size of entry barriers, permission or prohibition of participation in elections of blocs of political parties, the order of formation of election commissions, etc. form the preconditions for the victory of certain political forces. The modern period of social development is marked by a significant influence on the formation of people’s consciousness of communication and information technologies, as television and radio create the illusion of presence of the broad masses of the population, including the audience abroad. Psychological and image-based technologies are designed to influence the consciousness and sub consciousness of the person. The use of such technologies is quite different from the ordinary informing of man. They are aimed at disruption of its activities. The purpose of these operations – is the impact on the public consciousness in a certain direction, aiming at the subordination of the will of the people and their behavior in such a way as to force them to act, if not against their own interests, then with a significant «correction» in favor of the initiators of the use of such technologies. The technologies are used not only for political legitimation of the power, but its de-legitimization. A common practice of de-legitimization of candidates seeking to get to power is the technology of «black PR», «dirty» technologies, the publication of compromising materials on the Internet with their subsequent legalization in the Ukrainian mass media, etc. The special feature of the development of the political process in Ukraine is the use of «dirty» technologies associated with the artificial aggravation of inter-regional contradictions. Their use has become widespread since the early 2000s and lasted until the beginning of the dramatic events connected with the annexation of Crimea and the exclusion of the Eastern territories of the country by an external aggressor. The main direction technologies of the political power legitimation is their virtualization and symbolic regulation, the content of which depends on the characteristics legitimate periods of functioning of the political power in Ukraine. The current stage of the political power legitimation in Ukraine, which began with the overthrow of the regime of Yanukovych, certifies the playback of her previous technologies of democratic reforms’ imitation.
EN
The central position of the person in the community life determines the personalist character of the society. Therefore, one cannot account for the specificity of the life within a society ignoring the holistic understanding of the human being. Among all the human communities mentioned by the Catechism of the Catholic Church it is the political community which places the individual human person in the centre of it. The objective of this paper is to present the relationship between preserving the indelible integrity of the human dignity and the efficiency of the successful fulfilment of the tasks which the political community is up to. The article is divided into three chapters. The first one deals with scriptural references relevant to the topic of the political community which the authors of the Catechism quote. The second chapter outlines the key elements of the Catechism’s concept of the political community. The final chapter characterises the Christian democracy as such a political regime that provides the best protection of the dignity of the human person as well as the human rights. The teaching of the Catechism of the Catholic Church serves as a kind of a reminder that to prefer the care for the good of a person in the framework of the political community means to build the Kingdom of God. The man who remains faithful to the divine precepts transforms the world into a more humane one.
Cywilizacja i Polityka
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2020
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vol. 18
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issue 18
202-213
EN
The concept of power is one of the main problems of social concepts in the work of Michel Foucault. The philosopher critically analyzes contemporary political, religious and ideological discourses as well as the historical conditions of their emergence, in order to undertake the trouble of defining the concept of power. The term itself is understood by him extremely holistically – it covers all aspects of the individual, family and social life of an individual (entity), social discourse, the problem of knowledge, exclusion and ideological influence, including religion. The purpose of the article is to describe the elements of the identity of power in the thought of Michel Foucault and answer the question how it is constructed and how it affects the empowerment of man in society?
PL
Pojęcie władzy jest jednym z głównych problemów w myśli Michela Foucaulta. Filozof w sposób krytyczny analizuje współczesne mu dyskursy polityczne, religijne i światopoglądowe oraz historyczne uwarunkowania ich powstania, aby następnie podjąć się trudu zdefiniowania pojęcia władzy. Sam termin rozumiany jest przez niego holistycznie – obejmuje ono wszystkie aspekty życia indywidualnego, rodzinnego i społecznego jednostki, dyskursu społecznego, problemu wiedzy, wykluczenia oraz oddziaływania światopoglądowego, w tym religii. Celem artykułu jest opis elementów tożsamości władzy w myśli Michela Foucaulta oraz odpowiedź na pytanie, w jaki sposób jest ona konstruowana oraz jak wpływa na upodmiotowienie człowieka w społeczeństwie.
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