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EN
In this article the author is going to answer the question, that intrigues many researchers of international relations and political science – is it possible to build a grand theory explaining actions and behaviours of political, and international, entities? International relations are distinguished from other disciplines of science by its special character: they are polyarchic, plural, complex and impulsive. This is why we find here, exceptional in contrary to other, more mature disciplines, diversity of opinions and answers to the question – in what way international relations shall be build? Searching for the right answer the researchers of international relations have to cross borders of many disciplines, also using research methods of sociologists, historians, economists, lawyers, psychologists and anthropologists. There is a similar problem with political science, as the political matter is widely interpreted and, depending on the researcher and the analysed political system, its scope is wide as when using so called largo sense in the totalitarian states, where even the choice of school for a child has a political character or as when using so called strict sense in the democratic systems.
EN
In reality of getting stronger influence of shaping the cultural and civilization mass-media image, human studies are facing new challenges. It is observed that the mass-media are trying to replace some of the sciences, namely the political science. In the practice of cultural life, we can notice the blurring of the borders between mass-media knowledge and actual science. The media commentary of political life is trying to become a research work. The marginalization of the methodology research in the political science leads to deformation of its own science creation. In the scientific recognition of socio-political reality, the methodology is responsible for creating theories, based on defining terms, methodological knowledge ordering, explaining and interpreting the knowledge according to particular rules, models, paradigms, etc.
EN
The paper discusses the issue of the complex relationship between political science as a branch of academia and modern trends in feminism, understood as a collection of mutually related ideologies. The author emphasizes that both science and ideology are forms of politi- cal practice exercised in the same social and political reality. However, they are fundamen- tally different with respect to the hierarchy of their functions. The ‘clash’ of these two products of human activity produces political science on women and the politological analysis of feminism (subjected first and foremost to the scientific function) on the one hand, and various proposals of feminist modifications of political science that produce feministically re- formed political science and gynocentric political science (where the scientific function is subjected to social objectives) on the other.
EN
The research topic follows, firstly, from the fact that there is a need to examine the scientific schools of the 21st century. Secondly, the general tendency towards the re-ideologization of political science requires a critical interpretation of the state of affairs in the Russian Federation and Ukraine. Thirdly, in Ukraine and in the countries that are its allies, the theoretical analysis of historiography should be particularly helpful in offering a more clear definition of the former and current ideological positions of the aggressor country (the Russian Federation). The article compares the Russian and Ukrainian schools of political science, which have explored the impact on CEE of such actors as the EU, NATO, the USA, and Germany, as well as the economic, political, and ideological components of the systemic transformation.
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Dlaczego pytanie o granice politologii jest ważne?

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EN
The text discusses the following issues: how limits of political science are defined, how their comprehension determines the strategies adopted by individual researchers and collective bodies representing the discipline, at what stages of the discipline development and at what critical moments in its development the question about the limits becomes particularly important. What determines the topicality of the question about the limits of the discipline is issues such as: the necessity to fully engage in international cooperation, in particular the European one; the need to establish proper relations with the political science sub‑disciplines which make attempts at becoming independent; the necessity to combine the discipline development with labour market needs. According to the Author, this requires that Polish political science should cross the limits of those areas which have not fallen into the domain of its broader interests to date: especially empirical and comparative research on political systems, economics of politics (political economics), historical sociology of politics.
EN
The article is the analysis of contemporary methodological discourse in political science on the example of the Flyvbjerg Debate. The article focuses on Bent Flyvbjerg’s and David D. Laitin’s positions linking them with broader discussions in political science. Especially those concerning proper model of scientific researches. The author traces evolution of political science from the perspective of controversy between protagonists of analytical‑empirical model and their critics.
EN
This article introduces the topic of armed non-state actors and briefly summarizes the contributions to this special issue.
EN
The discipline “public policy” has emerged in the world from political science and some other areas and disciplines, with which it is affiliated. Since 2011 this discipline has gained in Poland its own identity and individuality in the area of social sciences. Article gives an overview over initiatives undertaken in recent years by interested scientific institutions and leading research teams in the framework of a new discipline. In particular, major initiatives in favour of the development of public policy were noted. Article supports the thesis about the fundamental importance of symbiosis between public policy and political science in the conditions of their separate existence in the structure of science. It constitutes one of the key qualitative determinants of the development of public policy as an academic discipline.
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Granice nauki o polityce jako dyscypliny naukowej

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EN
The paper discusses the area of Political Science as a discipline and its borders. The four chapters include: terminology and its practical consequences, genesis and development of Political Science, research methods of Political Science and the position of Political Science in comparison to Social and Human Sciences.
EN
The main purpose of this article is to show the barriers that researchers of economic and political science have to overcome in terms of interdisciplinary studies. The analysis is conducted from the perspective of the two specialist fields. According to the author understanding such barriers and the denotation of common research spheres, enable the opportunities to launch new projects at the intersection of the sciences. After underlining the main features of each science individually in terms of the interdisciplinary potential, the potential for the development of the research including elements of economics and political science is introduced.
EN
Leo Strauss‘s article “An Epilogue” is made up of many different critical arguments about political science. The guiding principles of these arguments are not revealed clearly enough. One can even get the impression that “An Epilogue” is an unfinished article. Only after finding the guiding principles we can understand the Strauss‘s critique. He emphasized the difference between the philosophical and scientific approach to politics. “An Epilogue” shows that he understood political science as philosophy.
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EN
It is widely recognised, that the status of any scientific discipline is vitally determined by its methodological autonomy. These are theoretical rules on the acquirement of information about a given reality, its definitions, systematization, clarification and interpretation. It is a specific challenge with regards to political science, which stems from the subject of knowledge, the politics. This realm is known to humanity from the onset of structure-shaping and institutionalisation of social life, and since ancient times attempts at its theoretical clarification are being undertaken. It has taken an important place within philosophical thought, historical and legal analysis. This reality led to political science becoming an integrating platform for knowledge from areas of political and social philosophy, law, economy, history. This integration has made cognitive challenges superficial and as a consequence raised such questions as: is political science a scientific discipline? The unfavourable image was revealed as it was included in broad process of political education of society.
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Editorial

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EN
Dear Readers, I am very pleased to present you the 45th volume of the Polish Political Science Yearbook (2016). From the beginning, the journal was connected with the Polish Association of Political Science (established in 1957) and in fact played a role of its organ. At first, the periodical was published under the title Polish Round Table, and then the name was changed into the current one.
EN
The article analyzes the main directions of interpretation of the phenomenon of terrorism in modern political science and political philosophy. In the public орinion terrorism as the most important factor of contemporary politics is often perceived very superficially. Many modern interpretations of terrorism, despite their apparent objectivity have consistently produced a stencil historical logic, based on purely external perception of terrorism as a subversive activity of individuals and small groups, guided by very different political motives. This trend is constantly reproduced by the media, creating conventional images of terrorists in political memory and thereby false perception of the true objectives they pursue and the real corporate structures that finance and direct their activities. Throughout the emerging dilemmas in the interpretation of terrorist activity in various regions of the world associated with the dominance of practices of violence, the lack of freedom and emergency situations in the modern political discourse. These practices constantly nourish the rhetoric of the “war on terror” imposing restrictions on the freedom of subjective judgments and contributing to the formation of “disciplinary power,” the basic mechanisms of which had been once extensively considered in M. Foucault’s political philosophy. The article proves the thesis that despite the stable liberal stereotypes, state terrorism should be viewed in theory as a universal matrix while all other forms of individual and group terrorism, regardless of their social, class or ideological orientation, are derived from this base. The paper proves the thesis according to which the adequate scientific definitions of terrorism contribute to the destruction of some historiosophical concepts, which in recent decades have transformed into a stable political myths.
PL
W artykule poddano analizie podstawowe kierunki interpretacji zjawiska terroryzmu we współczesnej nauce o polityce oraz filozofii politycznej. W świadomości społecznej terroryzm jako jeden z najważniejszych czynników współczesnej polityki traktuje się, na ogół, bardzo powierzchownie. Wiele współczesnych interpretacji terroryzmu, przy całym ich pozornym zewnętrznym obiektywizmie, w rzeczywistości stale odtwarza szablonową logikę historyczną, opartą na czysto zewnętrznym pojmowaniu terroryzmu jako akcji wywrotowych jednostek i niewielkich grup, kierujących się przeróżnymi motywami politycznymi. Dana tendencja stale posługuje się środkami masowej informacji, utrwalającymi w pamięci politycznej szablonowe obrazy terrorystów i tym samym fałszywe pojmowanie zarówno rzeczywistych celów, które starają się oni osiągać, jak i realnych struktur korporacyjnych, które finansują i ukierunkowują ich działalność. Powszechnie występujące dylematy w zakresie interpretacji aktywności terrorystycznej w wielu regionach świata wiążą się z panowaniem we współczesnym dyskursie politycznym praktyk przemocy, braku swobody i sytuacji nadzwyczajnych, stale zasilających retorykę „wojny z terrorem”. Praktyki te same z siebie nakładają ograniczenia na subiektywną swobodę opinii, sprzyjając formowaniu struktur „władzy dyscyplinującej”, której podstawowe mechanizmy były swego czasu wszechstronnie przebadane w filozofii politycznej M. Foucaulta. W artykule sformułowano tezę, zgodnie z którą, wbrew stabilnym stereotypom liberalnym, terroryzm państwowy należy rozpatrywać w planie teoretycznym w charakterze uniwersalnej zasady lub „matrycy”, podczas gdy inne formy terroryzmu indywidualnego i grupowego, niezależnie od ich orientacji socjalnej, klasowej lub ideologicznej, jawią się jako wywodzące się z tejże podstawy. W artykule zauważa się, że adekwatne naukowe określenia terroryzmu sprzyjają zburzeniu niektórych koncepcji historiozoficznych, które w ciągu ostatnich dziesięcioleci przekształciły się w stabilne mity polityczne.
RU
В статье анализируются основные направления интерпретации феномена терроризма в современной политической науке и политической философии. В общественном сознании терроризм как важнейший фактор современной политики воспринимается, как правило, весьма поверхностно. Многие современные интерпретации терроризма, при всей их кажущейся внешней объективности, на самом деле постоянно воспроизводят трафаретную историческую логику, основанную на чисто внешнем восприятии терроризма как подрывных акций индивидов и небольших групп, руководствующихся самыми различными политическими мотивами. Данная тенденция постоянно используется средствами массовой информации, закрепляющими в политической памяти шаблонные образы террористов и тем самым ложное восприятие как истинных целей, которые они преследуют, так и тех реальных корпоративных структур, которые финансируют и направляют их деятельность. Повсеместно возникающие дилеммы в трактовках террористической активности в различных регионах мира связаны с господством в современном политическом дискурсе практик насилия, несвободы и чрезвычайных ситуаций, постоянно подпитывающих риторику «войны с террором». Эти практики сами по себе накладывают ограничения на субъективную свободу суждений, способствуя формированию структур «дисциплинарной власти», основные механизмы которой были в свое время всесторонне исследованы в политической философии М. Фуко. В статье обосновывается тезис, согласно которому вопреки устойчивым либеральным стереотипам, государственный терроризм следует рассматривать в теоретическом плане в качестве универсальной основы или «матрицы», в то время как все другие формы индивидуального и группового терроризма, независимо от их социальной, классовой или идеологической ориентации, являются производными от данной основы. В статье отмечается, что адекватные научные определения терроризма способствуют разрушению некоторых историософских концепций, которые в последние десятилетия превратились в устойчивые политические мифы.
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O fundamentalnej roli interpretacji

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EN
The article looks at the field of hesitant self-definitions reflecting ambiguities of scientific thinking in a rapidly changing (late) modern world. It concentrates on matters belonging to the domain of political science, bringing to light a fundamental question – how should we understand a current crisis of legitimacy undermining the canons of scientific knowledge, plunged in contradictions, stretched between two opposite poles of technical efficiency and communicative rationality. It advances the conception of a radical revision aimed at counterbalancing the influence of a positivist tradition, celebrating the idea of empirical knowledge, following the demands of a “scientific” method. In expectation to open a new and promising perspective it puts forward a conception of experience concentrating on language (language is looked upon as a spehere of primary and most important experience). In this effort the article brings to focus the questions of understanding and interpretation, putting to the fornt line the notion of heremenutics and considering possible advantages resulting from establishing links between cultural anthropology and political science.
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POLITOLOGICZNY ALMANACH

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EN
The author carries out a summary of the Politics and Society, a scientific journal which has existed for ten years. The person of Prof. Henryk Cimek is called because his organizational contribution to the political science at the Univeristy of Rzeszów should be appreciated. Prof. Cimek was the founder of both Department of Politology and the Politics and Society. The main part of the text discusses the features of the journal and its scientific contribution. A notable asset is articles based on original research undertaken by both young and experienced scholars. Publishing various kinds of scientific texts also deserves attention. Because the state of political science in Poland is the author’s primary concern, he supports the editors’ effort to bring closer its distinguished co-founders and even to archive the development of the discipline. The text contains important suggestions for younger academics who publish in the Politics and Society. At the end the author appeals for critical considerations to improve the quality of the journal in another ten-year period.
EN
The article treats of one of the most innovative series in the Polish humanities after the 1945, the Poznań German Library. The series is a scientific-editorial project initiated 1996 to introduce readers in Poland (both specialists and non- specialists) into the most important questions of German history, sociology, political science etc. in the 18th, 19th, 20th and 21st century.
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EN
Mediatization is a process that is interesting to a researcher and political scientist for at least two important reasons. On the one hand, it becomes the area of scientific researches, inspirations and reflections, as it encourages to observe the changing frameworks, within which the political entities function, as well as the instruments and means used by them to complete tasks and achieve goals. However, on the other hand, mediatization is also a process which has impact on scientific environments, including also the community of political scientists, which seems to be a particularly interesting collective entity. This environment not only observes and describes the reality of mediatization, but also actively participates in its creation by means of diverse activities of researchers in the media. The author makes an attempt to indicate what are the implications of this media activity of researchers and what dilemmas it raises.
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Mit bogactwa

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XX
Despite the fact that we live in the 21st century myths are still present in our lives. One of the oldest myths which historically has accompanied human beings from the dawn of history is the myth of wealth which, expressing the thing historically, appeared in the most various forms (tales, fairy tales, legends, the motives of the paradise, etc.). In the present time the desire of becoming rich has dominated the minds of the majority of people. Some people regard wealth as the true holy grail. Unfortunately, neither economists nor philosophers, nor moralists are interested in these issues. On the contrary, wealth is regarded by some of them as an expression of “practical cleverness”, “intelligence”, ability to manage one’s life, a symptom of an initiative, that is, resourcefulness etc. Saying it the most briefly it is the praise of wealth. The myth of wealth spreads like a pandemic, but is it the aim of a human life?
EN
The article describes the most importnant tasks and competence of the Military Gendarmerie in the field of fighting against terrorism in Poland as well as during military missions. Special space of the article was dedicated to élite units which are the MG Specialized Units. Addictionally, the author presents the scope of co-operation of Military Gendarmerie with other services.
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