Karachay-Circassia, is very small both in the territorial and demographic aspect and is widely considered as one of the most politically unstable state-subjects of the Russian Federation. This instability is implied by a combination of many factors occurring against a relatively stable historical and cultural background. This background consists of: multiethnicity, colonization and sovietization, deportations, migrations, ethnic segmentation of the society, ethno-clanishness, ethnic and territorial conflicts and the geopolitical situation. The latter has often decomposed the natural development of nation-creating and state-creating processes. Moreover, it has also been the main cause of numerous tragedies of the local populace which sometimes has put its very biological existence under threat.
A chapter in the book The Psychic Life of Power (1997) offers an original reading of the conception of ideology and ideological inquiry as it is presented by Louis Althusser, one of the most important Marxist thinkers of the twentieth century. Judith Butler’s analysis focuses on the phenomenon of subjectivisation which, in the context of ideological inquiry, enters our consideration, and on the affective bond which is a constitutive condition of the fuctioning of inquiry. The second half of the text is devoted to a polemical discussion with Mladen Dolar, representative of the Lubliana psychoanalytical school which, in its reading of Althusser, brings with it the problematic of ideology and Lacanian psychoanalysis – these polemics concern above all the concept of the real which Dolar transposes from the psychoanalytical context to the Marxist one.
CS
Kapitola z knihy The Psychic Life of Power (1997) nabízí originální četbu pojetí ideologie a ideologické interpelace, jak je předkládá Louis Athusser, jeden z nejvýznamnějších marxistických myslitelů 20. století. Judith Butlerová analyzuje zejména fenomén subjektivace, který v souvislosti s ideologickou interpelací vstupuje do hry, a afektivní pouto, které je konstitutivní podmínkou fungování interpelace. Druhá část textu je věnována polemice s Mladenem Dolarem, představitelem lublaňské psychoanalytické školy, který ve své četbě Althussera propojuje problematiku ideologie a lacanovské psychoanalýzy – tato polemika se týká především pojmu reálna, který Dolar transponuje z psychoanalytického do marxistického kontextu.
In this paper I want to show, the Antonio Gramsci’s arrangements, Italian Marxist, are very actual analysis of political process and phenomenon, which can be very significant tip and inspiration for the political researchers. The argument of this paper is about a kind of continuity between process of establishing hegemony and notice what the political (beyond the strictly policy). Analyzing this continuity, I want to do some kind of “political science transcription” of Gramsci, which I hope will result in more detailed research. Also I want to show the Gramsci’s profile as a political theoretist.
In this article I analyze conceptual metaphors through their structural similarities to thought experiments in epistemological and methodological context. I assume that thought experiment is a form of experiment in general and appeared along with Galileo and modern science. In this understanding metaphor is a basic cognitive tool, both at the level of thought and experience, leading to the creation of the tested model part of reality. In conclusion, I present an analysis of political theory thought experiment(s) sample.
The cybersecurity issue discussed in the paper is seen from the perspective of political science with the indication that the subject under discussion concerns the multifaceted nature of the state’s actions, which consists of political, economic, social, and cultural factors. At the same time, the work also intends to prove that cybersecurity is not only a domain of technology because it is the mentioned aspects that shape the conditions of stable development of the state and its citizens in a space dominated by cyber technology in a much more decisive way. Given the growing role of cybertechnology in almost all areas of human life, its importance also forces and inspires political science to question the shape and model of modern policy, which is significantly evolving under the influence of new technologies. On the one hand, emerging cyber threats reveal the weakness of the state and the dependence of state institutions on cybertechnologies, but on the other hand, existing cyber incidents may also motivate many governments to take action to increase the level of cybersecurity.
Thomas Hobbes bequeathed to us a comprehensive system, the interpretation of which remains a matter of disagreement even today. In his political theory, he pays most attention to the state community. He deliberates over the reasons for its origin, its decline and fall. Among the more detailed issues dealt with in his reflections, the more important ones are the following: the concept of the state of nature, human motivation, the state of war and peace, as well as considerations concerning the social contract. In order to be consistent in his argument, Hobbes also deals with the analysis of the structures of the state, the division of power and with the functions a state should perform. Due to these deliberations, he finally arrives at the secret of the state's durability. Though it is certainly the case that, since his times, the socio-political situation and circumstances have changed, many of the solutions postulated by Hobbes have not lost their value.
Ideologies are fundamental in categorising, defi ning and evaluating political reality. They also condition the aims inspiring actors on the political stage, constituting, as it were, a bond providing parties, social groups and societies with sets of values and convictions that unite them. We are now witnessing an evolution of traditional political ideologies, triggered off by new challenges, the changing world order, processes of globalisation and Europeanisation, while political parties in Europe seem to resign from clear–cut ideological identifi cations, opting for the pragmatic, thus maximising their voting scores and, subsequently, efficient management of the public sphere. Politics is ever more frequently perceived as a mere struggle for power, political ideas are seen as slogans serving the purpose of winning votes or popular support, while ideologies have become “goods on display”, hiding deeper meanings of political life. Yet, at the same time ideologies still retain their purpose, infl uencing the functioning of political parties or political communities.
Establishing good law has been an old dream of humanity. Back in ancient times leaders such as Hammurabi, Solon, and especially Justinian the Great, and many others, while attempting to codify and reform the law, were driven by the ideal of “good law”. ! is same idea inspired Montesquieu in his De l’esprit des lois (“! e Spirit of the Laws”). Monumental legal acts in Napoleon’s times or the time of German unifi cation, as well as copying these acts into the legal systems of the countries of the Far East, for example, Japan, serve as additional examples on how tempted leaders have been able to implement the idea of “good law”, which, quite frequently, is directly stated in the preamble to leading legal acts.
The study tackles some key aspects of voters’ decision making in modern mass democracies vis a vis the changes of paradigm of political party membership since the implementation of universal suffrage. The implementation of universal suffrage, the study argues, brought about also mass party membership, which presupposed tight integration of an individual into a distinct socio-cultural collective body. The parties thus begun to expand into the „civic“ sphere, which enabled the identification of a single voter with respective political representation, the Agrarian party of the First Czechoslovak Republic being a typical example for Kunštat. The end of the World War II, however, is accompanied by growing diversity of institutions and interests within the modern democracies. The parties oriented on voters from different social backgrounds, which pursued a large number of concrete goals, begun to assert themselves. The political conflicts and interests thus became gradually de-ideologized. Parallel to that, these types of political parties were unable to tackle the interests and problems of post-industrial society (gender question, nuclear energy, abortion etc.) According to Kunštat, today the modern media seem to play the key role of an almost single producer of public discourse and also of a very strong tool of social control. Voters’ decision making, the study concludes, is thus nowadays defined more by their political socialization or party identification than by rational choice.
eTh article discusses the factors that encourage the use of the achievements of the broadly understood current of sociobiology in political science research. eTh guid ing thesis here is the assumption that the eefctive use of the achievements of sociobiol ogy for political science research may be an important factor inspiring new interpretations, explanations and forms of viewing the political sphere of social life. At the same time, it stimulates a broad view of the complexity of mutual relations between the sphere of culture and politics and biological factors. eTh condition for such a perspective is a de parture from the reduced, genetically determinist perception of sociobiology and the understanding of culture and politics both in terms of products and determinants of the natural environment. eTh structure of the argument is subordinated to attempts to an swer the following questions: Why is it worth being interested in using neo-evolutionist concepts to explain and describe the political sphere of social life? What is sociobiology and what theoretical assumptions can be a useful instrument of explanation in political science research?
Last decades of the past century, as well as the current one, may be characterized by the increase of political role of the movements that are called “the protest parties.” Scholars, journalists and politicians put a lot of attention to that phenomenon. However, it is focused just on selected elements of the problem. Beginning from the 1980s European public opinion may observe the rise and development of groups of ecologists. The unexpected electoral success of the new type of party is called “the New Populism.” Back in the 1990s it caused many concerns, opinions and discussions on the issue whether such parties are harmful for modern and stabilized western European democracies. At the turn of the century the political scene has been dominated by new forms of activity, which are the anti-globalization and alternative globalization movements.
Male politicians are becoming increasingly aware of the fact that women have great power. Girls account for 50% of the population of school students. Women seem to be much better at handling the financial crisis than men. The recession primarily aftected the masculine part of business – widespread layoffs hit typically male industries, such as cars, tobacco, financial services. In the U.S., men account for 80% of people who lost jobs as the result of the recent crisis. Moreover, it is women that make most decisions relating to household expenses. They are also more inclined to save up for future. They typically spend money on things like education, healthcare, food and cosmetics. They also invest in their children’s future. At present, women have about $10.5 trillion at their disposal, while men have approximately $23.4 trillion. However, this disproportion is still getting smaller. The past decade saw the distance between these two worlds constantly diminish. Women control $12 trillion out of $18.4 trillion spent by consumers every year. Moreover, the increasing number of working women – as Michael J. Silverstein points – means that their income is increasing.
It is widely recognised, that the status of any scientific discipline is vitally determined by its methodological autonomy. These are theoretical rules on the acquirement of information about a given reality, its definitions, systematization, clarification and interpretation. It is a specific challenge with regards to political science, which stems from the subject of knowledge, the politics. This realm is known to humanity from the onset of structure-shaping and institutionalisation of social life, and since ancient times attempts at its theoretical clarification are being undertaken. It has taken an important place within philosophical thought, historical and legal analysis. This reality led to political science becoming an integrating platform for knowledge from areas of political and social philosophy, law, economy, history. This integration has made cognitive challenges superficial and as a consequence raised such questions as: is political science a scientific discipline? The unfavourable image was revealed as it was included in broad process of political education of society.
Demeny voting is one of less known ways to modify the classic approach to organizing democratic elections. This paper is an attempt at identifying a proper approach to studies on the possible impact of the demeny voting system on the Polish political system. Moreover, it is devoted to identifying other fields that require further research which should precede proper investigation of possible application of demeny voting in Poland. Secondary interest of the article is to pursue the connection between demeny voting and the ideal of deliberative democracy. The author refers to the results of the 2015 general elections and Polish demographic information published by the Central Statistical Office of Poland. The analysis of the data may serve as of a first step towards determining a hypothetical impact of demeny voting on the Polish political system
The cognitive object of the science of a state law is its political system. This definition, however, does not expand all the elements necessary to circumscribe the proper understanding of this concept. Referring to the etymology in German (Staatsrechtslehre), we are talking about the science of state law. Thus, the object of analysis, according to literal understanding of the concept, would be state (Staat), not his – anyhow defined – political system. This semantic inconvenience surprises here so far as it needs to be taken into account that for the ancient Greeks, not the state (πολιτεια), but politics (πολιτικά) meant the whole doctrine of state (πολιτική επιστήμη). Experience of the ancient Roman jurisprudence has brought in this issue fundamental change. From then on law, dichotomously divided according to the criterion of “benefits” (utilitas) into private (jus civile) and public (jus publicum), will be seen as a whole legal system that regulates social relations between people, people and assets and people and the state. In contrast, however, to the private law, protecting the interests of individuals, the task of public law is to guard the common interest, thereby bringing benefits to society as a whole.
In article, author pay attention to the potential and scope of the impact of new forms of communication on the form and content of theoretical research. In principle, such an effect can be seen in two related, but different dimensions of analysis. In the first place it concerns the scope of the political theory, which is enriched with new areas and issues revealing previously unknown or not perceived problems, phenomena and processes that guide the interests of contemporary researchers. On the other hand, global mass communication techniques significantly shape, and thus change the existing forms of theoretical discourse and the structure of the theory itself. These changes in the perspective f plurality and decentralization of theoretical discourse subjects, as well as the emergence of new research areas which aspire to the status of scientific discipline, gain innovative importance especially from the point of view of the attempts to achieve meta-synthetic accumulation of social knowledge.
In recent years, zombies have made a stunning career, not only in literature and film, but also in scientific research. Zombies appear in scientific discourse as a reflection of fears connected with colonialism, imperialism, capitalism, consumerism, as well as metaphors for threats, like terrorism, asymmetric conflicts, epidemics and many more. It is also a useful concept for capturing ideas and theories remaining in scientific circulation which are in fact dead. So-called “zombie-categories” reflect theories that either explain nothing or the phenomena they refer to do not exist. Taking this into account, it is hard not to use zombies in political theory, especially as a useful category that enables the identification of “dead and alive” theories. Besides, zombie metaphors seem to be very promising in the political science teaching and a lot of research has already been undertaken in that field bringing unexpected and valuable results.
This paper attempts to answer questions about, first, the historical motives which brought the “race” issue into the focus of phenomenological reflection, and, secondly, the theoretical grounding for calling such reflection “phenomenological.”1 The basis for this reconstruction will be the psychological race theory developed in the 1920s and 30s by Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss, a somewhat forgotten student of Edmund Husserl, and its rooting in the history of the phenomenological movement. Discussed will be both, the theory’s historical background—which, in keeping with the paper’s main thesis, is best-expressed by Max Scheler’s reflections on “European patriotism”—and its relation to Husserl’s concept of phenomenology as a “strictly scientific philosophy.”
In this paper, the author raised the question of whether the separation of powers is a use-less concept. It points out to insufficient reflection of its theoretical and philosophical origins. The paper also distinguishes its components, which it then analyses in more detail. Great attention is dedicated to the tension between the system of checks and bal-ances and the institutional independence. It also examines the purpose of the separation of powers, warning that we can no longer seek it exclusively in the prevention of tyranny but rather in the optimization of government. At the end of the paper is emphasized the need to examine the question of how to solve tension between these components.
Model of methodological and theoretical pluralism, developed after the behavioral revolution, allows different methods and purposes of approach in research of political spheres of social life. For many years, it seemed that the current consensus is not threatened, that the acceptance of the status quo is widespread. As it turned out, however, post-behavioral order and peace were hiding under the surface of old conflicts and contradictions, and generated new ones. Somewhat like 100 years ago, at the beginning of the new century, they flowed on the surface – colliding with each other – as completely different visions of policy research, based on a different meaning of objectivity and truth and the role that the gained knowledge plays in the society. In October 2000, to a dozen American political scientists and publishers of professional magazines there was sent an e-mail, signed “Mr. Perestroika”, containing harsh criticism of the system of forces existing in the American political science, under which there is a strong dominance of representatives of science-oriented mathematical modeling and quantitative methods, and representatives of other approaches are being discriminated against. This letter, commonly called the “Perestroika Manifesto”, has rapidly spread in the network, gaining a few hundred followers within a few weeks. It became the nucleus of an informal Perestroika Movement, which brought together a larger group of political scientists dissatisfied with the current model of discipline. They performed against the domination of investigator-driven assumptions of logical positivism and radical behaviorism, based on the assumption that it is possible to predict the political behavior on the basis of the theories of rationality. They also questioned focusing on discovering universal, independent of context, truths about politics, based on testing causal hypotheses with regard to the behavior of political actors and the quest to build a general theory. Th is results in their opinion that there is the marginalization of other studies aimed at clarifying and resolving specifi c issues and, on the other hand, the need of search for a more explicit link between theory and practice. Supporters of the Perestroika Movement do not reject entirely quantitative methods, only tend to criticize their absolutizing character, involving the complete discrediting of approaches which are not referring to the quantifi cation of data or treating this type of treatment only as a complementary knowledge considerations based on normative narrative. Th erefore, they generally tend to the concept of methodological triangulation, in which quantitative techniques may complement and partially be a form of verifi cation of qualitative methods in various research issues, of course, if you can combine both types of approaches. Th ey are clearly in favor of the primacy of the essence of research method. From this point of view, based on compliance with the applicable rules of methodological research, they do not have to be in this respect particularly innovative, hyper-precise or mathematicised. Th ey should, however, contain a well-constructed argumentation, allowing reliably resolve important issues. Th e result should be to restore compounds research and theoretical knowledge with the real problems of political life, moving away from the extreme containment and academic character towards the relationship of knowledge about politics of social practice.
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