Search results - CEJSH

1

Współczesne nurty polskiej myśli nacjonalistycznej — próba podziału w aspekcie kategorii „tradycji”

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Smolik B.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

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2016

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vol. 21

52-66

EN

This article aims at outlining the method of dividing the Polish political thought. For this purpose the category of “tradition” is used “Tradition” is perceived by the author as a type of conscious and reflective choice of achievements of the past made in the present. Based on “tradition” the author distinguishes the following currents of the Polish nationalist thought: the current of Neo-National Democracy, the current of National Radicalism, the Catholic National current, as well as the Progressive current and the current of Slavonic Neo-Paganism. Apart from political thought the tradition of Polish nationalism also includes political movement issues, literature and art. An important role in the reception and transmission of “tradition” to contemporary times is played by its guardians, which means people who endeavor to pass it on in a form desired by them.

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Myśl polityczna Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego Piast (Marcin Jakub Wichmanowski)

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Ryba M.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2019

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issue 4(153)

168–170

EN

Marcin Wichmanowski analyzes an important issue in the history of the twentieth-century Polish political thought. “Piast” was one of the main political parties in the Second Republic of Poland, with a strong influence on Poles’ political conscience. It was a party greatly affecting the state policy prior to the May coup and the government in exile during the Second World War. Wichmanowski offers an extensive presentation, based on numerous sources.

3

Korzenie myśli politycznej środowiska skupionego wokół tygodnika „Najwyższy Czas !”

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Ćwiękała G.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 46

399-419

EN

Conservatism and liberalism as ideologies are in conflict but only seemingly. Synthesis is possible. The proof is given by the journalists of the Najwyższy Czas! weekly. In short: liberalism in economy and conservatism in a social life and in morality. The roots of their conceptions we can find in a number of past and contemporary thoughts of the philosophers, economists, sociologists and politicians. Adam Smith gave the basis for economic opinions, above all about the “invisible hand” in the free market. Edmund Burke was the first conservative, who noticed the essence of liberal values. The propagator of laissez‑faire concept – Frederic Bastiat declared oneself in favour of stable law and the minimal statism (night‑watch state), which will guarantee individual’s freedom. Representatives of Austrian School – Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich August von Hayek specified and extended French thinker’s conceptions, became a natural inspirers of Polish liberal conservatives. The practical ways of applying a liberal economy with preserving conservatives values gave Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan.

4

„Kwestia ukraińska” w myśli politycznej Mariana Ursyna Zdziechowskiego (1918–1939)

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Marszał M.

Wrocławsko-Lwowskie Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2014

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vol. 5

29 - 48

EN

The issue of creation of good neighborly political relations with the nations belonging to the newly born in 1918 independent Republic of Poland were among the pressing problems of early Polish eastern policy. In the group of Polish intellectuals there were university professors, who often stressed the need good neighborly relations in this part of Europe. One of the propagators of the Central and Eastern European agreement was professor and rector of the Stefan Batory University in Vilnius Marian Ursyn Zdziechowski (1861–1938). The political thought of Marian Zdziechowski on the Ukrainian issue was characterized as harmony with the eastern national minority. It remained in line with the general political formula of Polish conservatives and their political postulates concerning the eastern policy of Poland. It is worth noting that Zdziechowski the unlike his conservative colleagues, such as Bocheński brothers, Jan Stanisław Łoś and many others, had an unusually realistic view on the issue of treatment of the Ukrainian minority. He was far from fanatical optimism of Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation, but even further from the nationalistic politics enlarged by the National Democracy, which assumed mass polonization of the Ukrainians. Zdziechowski’s program can be included in the concept of assimilation of the Ukrainians with simultaneous respect for their rights. His views were more akin to the postulates of Polish socialists, such as Leon Wasilewski and Tadeusz Hołówko, than to his native conservative views.

5

Państwo i jego ustrój w myśli Ignacego Matuszewskiego

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Andrzejczak K.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2019

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issue 6(155)

27-63

EN

The article deals with concept of the state and its system according to Ignacy Matuszewski (1891–1946) — a soldier, journalist and politician with extraordinary abilities in all those areas of activity. Cofounder, as the head of the Second Unit of the General Staff, of intelligence successes during the Polish-Bolshevik War; Minister of Treasury, implementing, with iron consistency, the principles of deflationary policy; the Piłsudskiites’ leading publicist and economic expert; champion abandoned by his political environment, opposing the government’s propaganda and pointing to Poland’s unpreparedness for imminent war; animator of the Polish diaspora in the U.S.; defender of Poland’s interests, trying to show the Western public opinion the true face of the Soviet Union. The article focuses on Matuszewski’s systemic concepts, since he cocreated the policy of the state as the leading publicist of “Piłsudski’s Colonels” and participant to backroom conferences on rebuilding the system of the state. Herein, Matuszewski’s publicist activity including systemic discussions is presented, his participation in constitutional conferences in 1928 and 1932, his press publications in the period between the last conference and the adoption of the April Constitution, as well as a series of articles of 1935, presenting principles of the new fundamental law, whose ideological foundations and systemic solutions were fully accepted and supported by Matuszewski.

6

Theoretical and Methodological Considerations on Raison d’État

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Sanecka-Tyczyńska J.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2015

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vol. 48

51-63

PL

Rację stanu rozumiemy jako system egzystencjalnych interesów państwowych realizowanych w sposób bezkompromisowy, co do których powinien istnieć konsensus głównych sił politycznych w danym państwie. Może ona być również traktowana jako osobna wartość lub kategoria myśli politycznej, wokół której budowane są wizje państwa obejmujące politykę wewnętrzną oraz międzynarodową. Analizując teoretyczne i metodologiczne aspekty racji stanu, należy stwierdzić, że cechuje ją niejasność definicyjna, duża pojemność treściowa, czasowa zmienność, trudności w określeniu katalogu interesów państwowych składających się na rację stanu, oraz różnorakie podejścia teoretyczne i metodologiczne. Wszystko to odstręcza badaczy od zajmowania się tą kategorią. Paradoksalnie owa wielowymiarowość i wieloaspektowość, połączona z polską specyfiką pojmowania raison d’état, może stanowić o jej atrakcyjności badawczej. Ciekawa z punktu widzenia teorii racji stanu jest jej współczesna ewolucja w kierunku ponadnarodowej raison d’état. Nieuniknione procesy globalizacji oraz działanie międzynarodowych i ponadnarodowych organizacji i instytucji prowadzą do uniwersalizacji racji stanu. W toku owej ewolucji zmienia się sposób rozumienia takich pojęć jak suwerenność czy bezpieczeństwo państwa (nieodzownych składników racji stanu). Suwerenność zastępowana jest przez pojęcie podmiotowości, a bezpieczeństwo nabiera coraz to nowego zakresu przedmiotowego.

EN

The concept of raison d’état (reason of state) is very popular in Poland, and it will apparently remain relevant as long as the Polish state exists. The idea is commonly used in official statements by politicians, political journalism, and in various government documents. Raison d’état is an ambiguous concept, which results from simplified and often popular opinions on what is and what is not the raison d’état. Conceptual chaos, intuitive judgments and notions appear to be the reason why political scientists are discouraged from systematized and in-depth studies on this political category. The paper is divided into three parts. The first part discusses definitions of raison d’état and the accompanying problems. The second one deals with the theoretical aspect covering the subjective, objective, temporal and spatial scopes of the concept. Two new definitions of raison d’état were mentioned which diminish the importance of the nation-state at the expense of international organizations. The third part presents methodological approaches in studies on raison d’état understood in two ways: as a system of vital interests of the state and as a category of political thought.

7

Mencius o lidské přirozenosti a vládě lidskosti

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Myšička S.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

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2014

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vol. 62

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issue 4

559-581

EN

This study aims to interpret Mencius' political thinking taking as the starting point his doctrine of human nature. Each individual is capable of the moral self-cultivation of his or her innately good human nature, but in this task the individual requires adequate conditions and education. Political power is able to ensure this (and it is, indeed, one of its main asks to do so), but it can also, on the contrary, contribute, in a fundamental way, to the decadence of the state and society. The result of inadequate and ineffective application of political power is a growing crisis in society, especially in the area of inter-personal relations and moral conduct. Mencius' ideal is a relatively small and effective state that looks after its inhabitants and which does not unduly intervene in the social organism. War is understood, by him, as a great evil which is justifiably used only when putting-down an uprising or in self-defence. Generally, Mencius' political thought is characterized by the thought that the virtuous ruler will have, by dint of his strength of character, not only spiritual but also purely practical political successes.

8

A Vision of the State’s Political System in the Political Thought of the National Party between 1928 and 1939

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Dawidowicz A.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2019

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vol. 2 (48)

330-344

EN

Views of the National Party (1928-1939) merit special attention, given both the Party’s prominent role in the political life of interwar Poland and the interesting combination of various elements derived from diverse ideological trends within the Party’s programme. The ideological legacy of the National Party reflected, to a large extent, the key constituents of the National Democracy’s political thought, such as nationalism, representation of all social classes, national integrity and the concept of the nation-state. The National Party underwent major evolution and was subject to internal divisions which makes the image of its political thought much more complex. Based on an analysis of the National Party’s political thought, several conclusions can be formulated. The National Party developed its own views regarding political systems. These were, to a large extent, determined by their own system of values based on the national idea. The National Party’s political system projections were mainly inspired by (1) the successes of the “new type” states; (2) pressure from totalitarian systems; and (3) the influence of the economic and spiritual crisis. The National Party leaders wanted to make the political system more efficient. Nonetheless, views in favor of directly imitating any foreign political systems could hardly be found in the Party’s political thought. The National Party’s ideologists and journalists invariably stated that there was no pre-defined political system, but its form had to be adjusted to the specificity and unique character of a given national body. Although inspiration was drawn from external political systems, the Party’s political thought did not lose its independence.

9

The Issue of Poland’s Dependence on Natural Gas Supplies from the Russian Federation in the Political Thought of Piotr Naimski: Selected Problems

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Paszkowski M.

Historia i Polityka

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2022

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issue 42 (49)

117-129

EN

The topic of the research was the political thought of Piotr Naimski in the field of reducing Poland’s dependence on natural gas supplies from the Russian Federation. The aim of the article was therefore to analyse Naimski’s views on the diversification of the sources and directions of natural gas supplies to Poland and to define the political concepts formulated by this politician. The article indicates Naimski’s views on increasing Poland’s energy security by realizing energy projects such as LNG terminal, Baltic Pipe gas pipeline, as well as activities aimed at counteracting the Russian Federation energy policy in Central Europe. Naimski was one of the staunchest opponents of the construction of Russian-German gas pipelines (Nord Stream and Nord Stream 2).

10

NARODOWE ODRODZENIE POLSKI. OBLICZE IDEOWE NACJONALISTYCZNEJ PARTII POLITYCZNEJ

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Dawidowicz A.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2014

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issue 3(12)

58-69 (12)

EN

Within the views of the National Rebirth of Poland, critical judgements and the questioning of the existing socio-political order have prevailed. The liberal democratic system has been rejected, to be replaced by a regime in which all social norms are in accordance with Christian values. Both the area of economic and social, as well as politi-cal, life are to be shaped according to principles stemming from Christianity and Catholi-cism. The NOP propounds the view that in the independent Polish state there should be no room for any forces seeking to destroy national sovereignty in terms of internal rela-tions, and the state in terms of external relations.

11

Prawa i Sprawiedliwości krytyka Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 1997 r.

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Sanecka-Tyczyńska J.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2018

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issue 4(147)

75–88

EN

The article refers to the position of the Law and Justice party as regards the Polish fundamental law, in force since 1997. Diagnosing the constitution, Law and Justice politicians pointed to its fl aws and provisions resulting in the systemic weakness of the state. The diagnosis comprised four problematic areas: circumstances (origin) of the passing of the Constitution of 1997, criticism of axiological foundations and systemic regulations, as well as legal systemic effects of constitutional provisions. Questioning a relevant part of Poland’s systemic achievements after 1989, Law and Justice saw the need for fundamental changes in almost all spheres of political and social life. The party’s answer to the multi-sphere state crisis was the project of the Fourth Republic of Poland, signifying a radical reconstruction of the state. The basis for the proposed changes was to be the new constitution. Law and Justice’s idea of “the good constitution” expressed the will to found a strong, independent state, which would “play the role of a depositary of values and historic heritage”. The party’s views on the Constitution of the Third Republic of Poland were in line with the broader project of building a strong state. There dominated the view that “democratic” or “liberal” values cannot serve to specify the ideological foundations of social and political order. The priority was to clearly define the anticommunist identity and to found modernization of the state on tradition.

12

ODBIÓR IDEI SZKOŁY AUSTRIACKIEJ W NIEMCZECH I W AUSTRII

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Szabaciuk W.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2020

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vol. 18

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issue 1

EN

This article is an attempt to analyze the reception of the Austrian School in Austria and Germany in general. The article aims to present the attitude of German and Austrian scientists and political leaders to the liberal ideas presented by the Austrian School. The author has discussed the birth of the Austrian School, methodenstreit, and the causes of the gradual removal of the heritage of Carl Menger and his successors from Austria.

13

The Horizons of Polish Political Thought

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Śliwa M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2012

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vol. 41

9-21

EN

It is not without reason that we reflect more and more on the causes of the current state of political thinking in Polish society. Indeed, in modern times, difficult and uncertain, and turbulent times of great transformation, human thought is clearly not keeping pace. Given the rapidly changing external circumstances we have become increasingly confused and inept. We do not really know how to deal with the emerging threats and challenges of modern times, described by the eminent sociologist and philosopher Zygmunt Bauman as the era of “liquid modernity”. It is noticeable that our perception and image of social reality and our role in it, including its political dimension, is quite imperfect and restricted, and that our ideological life is in deep crisis or has perhaps even disappeared.

14

ROLA KOBIETY W KONCEPCJACH IDEOWYCH LIGI POLSKICH RODZIN

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Koziełło T.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2012

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issue 10

71-79 (9)

EN

According to the attitude of Liga Polskich Rodzin (LPR) women should accomplish their life mission as members of families – wives and mothers, as they are characterized by sensitivity, care, protectiveness and cordiality towards other people. The leaders of LPR thought, that unwillingness of women to execute family duties could weaken a family and make its proper functioning impossible. Weak family would diminish condition of the nation, which was one of the most important values for LPR, so the party demanded accomplishment of family duties from women. On the other hand, LPR didn’t object professional career and activity in public life by women, but wanted that they follow their vocation. The best solution for LPR was combining two roles by women: wife and mother in private life, and successful employee in professional one.

15

Refleksje na temat narodu i państwa w polskiej myśli politycznej

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Paczos S.

Historia Slavorum Occidentis

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2014

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issue 2(7)

63-89

EN

The paper provides an overview of mostly nineteenth-century concepts of nation and state, juxtaposed with sociological theories. It begins with the defi nitions of the basic concepts and their relations, along with the change in their meaning over time. The author presents also the origins, development of the Polish nation and state, comparing the description with sociological theories. Next, the Enlightenment, Romantic and positivist concepts of nation and state were presented together with views prevailing in particular currents of the Polish socio-political thought. According to the author, the idea of nation and state gradually crystallised in the Polish political thought, to take on suggestibility and become an essential component of social life, albeit this process occurred in a variety of ideological milieux, with its culminating phase at different points in history. The author emphasised the polymorphism of the idea of nation and state as well as a variety of contexts in which they may occur.

16

Substantialist state phobia in contemporary political thought

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Malendowicz P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2020

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issue 3 (376)

239-252

EN

State phobia is aversion to the state, stemming from fear of the state. In the article, aversion to the state is analyzed in two dimensions: substantialist and accidentalist. Substantialist criticism relies on perceiving essential evil in the criticized phenomenon, which is embedded in the nature of the phenomenon as such. Accidentalist aversion refers to accidental and unnecessary defects; it has an occasional nature. The subject matter of the paper is substantialist state phobia in contemporary political thought. The following concepts were analyzed: anarcho-capitalism, national anarchism, tribalism, primitivism and anarcho-transhumanism. The purpose of the paper is to identify arguments addressed against the state, as well as to analyze determinants of state phobia in selected currents of political thought. The hypothesis is an assumption that substantialist state phobia is determined by the process of maximizing the idea of freedom in political thought, which generates aversion or hostility towards the state. In order to verify the research hypothesis, the author analyzed source texts (ideological, program, propaganda and journalistic texts) of the above-listed political movements, their leaders and acolytes. The political thought under discussion may perform both constructive and destructive functions with respect to a democratic state. As a result of the analysis, the hypothesis was partially confirmed.

17

"Niesłychanie pożyteczni szaleńcy". Przedsierpniowi opozycjoniści w poszukiwaniu formuły realistycznego działania

100%

Gąsowski T.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 3(25)

147-158

EN

To assess a level of realism of the opposition in Poland before the “Solidarity” movement we must first determine its effects. The estimate as modest. Polish opposition members from the 70s failed to effectively influence the public mood to initiate systemic change in the country. There have also developed valuable doctrine, or any political approach to be applicable in a free country. From this perspective, political activities in the 70s was completely devoid of realism. This does not mean, however, that the efforts of this people have gone completely down the drain. The achievements of the opposition in non-democratic system, which was a communist, another measure should be assessed. Undoubted achievements of the five-years activity of several opposition tendencies was to create a new elite that since the birth of “Solidarity” to this day the tone of public life in Poland. It was also planting at different points of the country and different social group the seeds of contention for further life in the communist lie.

18

Polish-Norwegian cooperation in the field of energy security in the political thought of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS) and Platforma Obywatelska (PO)

100%

Paszkowski M.

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2022

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vol. XLVI

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issue 1

101-114

EN

The large share of natural gas supplies that are sent to Poland from the Russian Federation has been heavily criticised by many Polish political parties. Politicians from several political groups have emphasised the need to diversify the sources and directions of this commodity. In this respect, cooperation with Norway was to play a key role in ensuring the implementation of this scheme. The goal of this article is to analyse the political thought of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS, the Law and Justice) and Platforma Obywatelska (PO, the Civic Platform) parties in the construction of the Baltic Pipe gas pipeline. The main research paradigm applied in the text is the analysis of testimonies and traces of political thought. Taking up the topic is important due to an overall lack of studies that show original findings of the standpoint of various political parties in Poland on the idea of building this specific type of energy infrastructure.

19

Refleksje i uwagi do książki Tomasza Chłopeckiego, „Myśl polityczna i prawna obozu rządzącego w Polsce w latach 1935–1939. Państwo — prawo — gospodarka”

88%

Sioma M.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2019

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issue 6(155)

125-144

EN

The problems related to the political thought of Piłsudkiites — called the ruling camp by Tomasz Chłopecki — had already been a subject of numerous studies. The literature on the subject in ample and generally accessible. The author of the reviewed book decided to supplement the existent analyses of the political and legal thought in the subperiod 1935–1939, which — although significant for the interwar history — had been analyzed less extensively. I regard the choice of the subject legitimate and the analysis itself important, although not free from defects, mistakes and errors. Having read the book, I cannot fully support the author’s conclusions. The goal and the intention are one thing, and the execution another. As regards the latter, I wish to make two general remarks. Firstly, the factual sphere does not raise objections, although some substantial mistakes I had found should not have made it through the publishing process. Secondly, the interpretational scope with reference to the political and legal thought does raise objections, which I demonstrate in an extensive polemic review. Moreover, in my opinion, the book is confined strictly to one discipline: history.

20

Zbigniew Brzeziński – portret wybitnego stratega

88%

Kruczek K.

Polonia Journal

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2021

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issue 14

67-80

EN

Zbigniew Brzeziński was one of the leading figures influencing the creation of international reality. His concepts, ideas, ideas are widely echoed not only in the United States but all over the world. From an early age, this American political scientist of Polish origin showed interest in international relations, the best example of which is the letter he sent at a very young age to Winston Churchill’s headquarters with a map, where he marked the right border between Poland and the Soviet Union. It was an expression of dissatisfaction with the arrangements made at the Tehran conference. The spectrum of interests of this great strategist is very wide. However, he devoted most of his attention to what was happening in the Kremlin. He was actively involved in the foreign policy of the United States, on which he had a great influence, especially during the presidency of Jimmy Carter. In his administration, he was the president’s advisor for national security. He was a supporter of a tough course in international relations, which is why he was perceived as a „hawk”. The levels of Zbigniew Brzeziński’s dynamically developing scientific and political career, I prove that he is both a theoretician, practitioner and politician actively involved in various areas of international politics. Among the numerous events influencing the development of Brzeziński’s political career, he was undoubtedly appointed in 1973 by David Rockeffeller as the head of the Trilateral Commission, where he met Carter, as it later turned out, the president of the United States, in whose election campaign he was heavily involved.

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