Search results - CEJSH

1

Discovery and manipulations. Some comments about archaeology, politics and the right to the cultural heritage in Peru in the centenary of the ‘Scientific Discovery’ of Machupicchu

100%

Kania M.

Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization

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2011

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vol. 15

247-262

EN

In July 2011 the whole state of Peru celebrated 100th anniversary of the Inca city Machupicchu in the Department of Cusco. The preparations took a long time and involved the highest authorities of the Republic. Festivities, shows and fireworks that lighted up the sky over Cusco and Machupicchu on 7th July were only one part of the celebrations. In the background of the celebrations bitter questions were asked about what was it exactly that Peru celebrated? Archaeologists, journalists and residents of Cusco discredited achievements and working methods of American explorer Hiram Bingham, in the first place highlighting the role of Agustin Lizárraga – discoverer of Machupicchu from 1902. The debate that took place in the background of the anniversary celebrations was not limited only to the question who really deserves the honoured name of the discoverer. Some inhabitants of Cusco protested on Plaza de Armas against using the site of Machupicchu by some institutions from Lima that are driven only by financial profits. The anniversary has also been used by academic institutions to publicize the problem of inadequate protection of the Inca site and draw attention to threats, which brings excessive, uncontrolled tourism to Machupicchu.

2

Sovětská základna uprostřed Čech : Milovice v době sovětské vojenské přítomnosti na území Československa (1968-1991)

100%

Tomek P.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2018

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vol. 25

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issue 3-4

433-487

EN

The study attempts to capture, in a comprehensive manner, various aspects associated with the presence of the Soviet military garrison in the Central Bohemian municipality of Milovice between 1968 and 1991. In doing so, it relies, to a considerable extent, on local, archival, and other sources. The author fi rst briefl y introduces the history of Milovice. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the town and its surroundings were substantially infl uenced by a unique military training facility in the quarter of Mladá, which was fi rst used by the Austro-Hungarian and then successively by the Czechoslovak, German, again Czechoslovak, and fi nally Soviet armies. Milovice therefore constitute a unique environment which is presently undergoing a transformation from an area burdened with decrepit military buildings and environmental contamination into a dynamically developing small town. A particularly interesting chapter in its history started after August 21, 1968, when the Soviet intervention army took over the local military training area and established not only a numerous garrison, but also the Headquarters of the Central Group of Forces there. Milovice thus became not just an exclusive and strictly guarded zone, but also a political symbol of the Soviet military presence in Czechoslovakia. The author focuses mainly on the evolution of relations between local inhabitants and members of the Soviet garrison (which included not only soldiers, but also families of offi cers and civilian workers), as well as on changes of the local environment and everyday life and consequences of the Soviet presence during the period mentioned above. He follows protests of locals against the Soviet invasion, their resentful reactions to the establishment of the Soviet garrison, and then the progress of the so-called normalization in the region of Milovice and in the district of Nymburk, characterized by changes of attitudes of local political bodies, party vetting, establishment of contacts with the Soviet Army, and manifestation visits of state and party offi cials. He describes in detail the problematic security situation in Milovice, with a lot of minor criminal offences and stricter police checks, serious environmental damage, in particular water and soil contamination by oil hydrocarbons, problems of local people with the supply of drinking water, food, and hard goods (but also popular shopping sprees of locals in better-than-average stocked Soviet shops), traffi c diffi culties, devastation of residential and public buildings and areas often caused by disrespect of regulations and rules of coexistence on the part of Soviet citizens. However, he also describes informal contacts of locals with the Soviet garrison, frequently for the purpose of illegal barter trade in goods in short supply, taking place in parallel to offi cial manifestations of the Czechoslovak-Soviet “friendship”. Complaints of local people about a variety of problems were a permanent phenomenon accompanying the Soviet presence; however, the powers-that-be dealt with them only formally, or not at all, and all efforts to seek remedy were useless.

CS

Studie se pokouší v ucelené podobě zachytit různé stránky spjaté s přítomností sovětské vojenské posádky ve středočeské obci Milovice v letech 1968 až 1991. Opírá se přitom do značné míry o lokální archivní a jiné prameny. Autor nejprve stručně představuje historii Milovic. Tato lokalita i s okolím byla od počátku dvacátého století významně modelována pod vlivem unikátního vojenského výcvikového prostoru v místní části Mladá, který sloužil postupně rakousko-uherské, československé, německé, znovu československé a nakonec sovětské armádě. Milovice tak tvoří ojedinělé prostředí, které v současnosti prochází přeměnou z oblasti zatížené chátrajícími vojenskými objekty a ekologickými škodami v dynamicky se rozvíjející menší město. Zvláště zajímavá kapitola tohoto místa se začala psát po 21. srpnu 1968, kdy intervenční Sovětská armáda převzala zdejší vojenský prostor a zřídila zde nejen početnou posádku, ale také sídlo Střední skupiny sovětských vojsk. Milovice se tak staly nejen prominentní a přísně střeženou zónou, ale i politickým symbolem sovětské vojenské přítomnosti v Československu.Autor se zaměřuje především na vývoj vztahů mezi místními obyvateli a příslušníky sovětské posádky (patřili k ní nejen vojáci, ale i rodiny důstojníků a civilní zaměstnanci), ale také na změny zdejšího prostředí i každodenního života a na důsledky sovětského pobytu v daném období. Sleduje protesty místních občanů proti sovětské invazi, jejich odmítavé reakce na usídlení sovětské posádky a poté postup takzvané normalizace na Milovicku a v nymburském okrese, vyznačující se změnou postojů místních politických orgánů a stranickými prověrkami, navazováním styků se Sovětskou armádou i manifestačními návštěvami oficiálních státních a stranických činitelů. Zevrubně popisuje problematickou bezpečnostní situaci v Milovicích s množstvím drobnějších kriminálních incidentů i zostřenou policejní kontrolou, vážné ekologické škody, zejména znečištění vodních zdrojů a půdy ropnými produkty, problémy obyvatel se zásobováním pitnou vodou, potravinami a průmyslovým zbožím (ale i oblíbené nákupy místních v nadstandardně zásobených sovětských prodejnách), dopravní komplikace, devastaci obytných a veřejných prostor, spojenou s častým nerespektováním předpisů a pravidel soužití ze strany sovětských občanů. Líčí ale také neformální kontakty domácích obyvatel se sovětskou posádkou, často za účelem nelegálního výměnného obchodu nedostatkového zboží, a vedle toho oficiální projevy československo-sovětské „družby“. Trvalým průvodním rysem sovětské přítomnosti byly stížnosti místních obyvatel na rozmanité problémy, které byly na příslušných místech řešeny většinou jen formálně nebo vůbec, a marná snaha o zjednání nápravy.

3

Lęk polityki

100%

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2018

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vol. 72

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issue 1-2(320-321)

178-185

PL

Polityka jest jedną z najbardziej popularnych aktywności ludzkiej, ale gdy pytamy, czym ona jest, nie potrafimy jednoznacznie odpowiedzieć na to pytanie. W artykule przedstawione są różne koncepcje polityki od najbardziej dramatycznych, które wiążą ją z przemocą, do liberalnych, które w polityce widzą przede wszystkim dialog i konsens. Wniosek z tego przeglądu jest jeden. Nie możemy określić tego, czym polityka jest, zdani jesteśmy na niedopowiedzenia i wątpliwości. Nie możemy jednak też nie mówić o polityce, gdyż jest ona niezbywalnym elementem ludzkiej egzystencji.

EN

Politics is one of the most popular forms of human activity, but when we ask about its nature we are unable to give an unambiguous answer. The article presents assorted conception of politics, spanning from the most dramatic ones, which associate it with violence, to liberal ones that perceive in politics predominantly dialogue and consensus. There is only one conclusion to be drawn from this survey: we are unable to define what politics consists of and are doomed to doubts and understatement. On the other hand, we cannot stop talking about politics in view of the fact that it is an inalienable element of human existence.

4

Kobiety w polityce, aspiracje i praktyka

85%

GÓRNA-KUBACKA A.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2011

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issue 2

45-54

EN

The paper discusses the role of women in public life, in particular in the realm of politics. Surveys show that women do well in free market economies, where they rank quite highly in the European Union (35% of employers), whereas their participation in politics is considerably smaller. The paper presents the data on women participating in the highest bodies of representational authorities and local governments, as well as their achievements in the Women’s Parliamentary Group and their struggle to obtain parity on electoral ballots, concluded by winning a 35% quota.

5

Review: Kathy Ehrensperger – Nathan MacDonald – Luzia Sutter Rehmann (eds.), Decisive Meals. Table Politics in Biblical Literature (Library of New Testament Studies 449; London – New York: T&T Clark, 2012). Pp. 182 + XVII. $120.00 (Hardback). ISBN 9780567526014.

80%

Kowalski M.

The Biblical Annals

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2015

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vol. 5

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issue 1

197-203

EN

Book review

PL

Recenzja książki

6

The Prospects of the Grand Coalition in Germany

80%

Nassmacher H.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2006

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vol. 35

65-83

EN

The pressure for reforms is similar in all established democracies, including Germany. This is true for all policies. Lower income caused by economic development and ageing societies is a burden on all budgets. ! is increases the pressure on political actors to speed up the decision-making process. In 2005 the grand coalition of CDU/CSU and SPD was welcomed by the German people. Many commentators assumed that the political deadlock would be overcome by the government of the two major parties. Because the second chamber (Bundesrat) is the major veto-player in the German federal system, the current CDU/CSU majority in the Bundesrat was a high hurdle for the former red-green government (1998 to 2005), as until 2006 about 80 percent of all laws had to pass the second chamber. This led to early elections. People hope that the grand coalition under Chancellor Angela Merkel will overcome this restriction, which the SPD-led government could not evade.

7

Populism and National Identity

80%

Ociepka B.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2006

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vol. 35

97-107

EN

Populism became a signi! cant factor of political debates in Eastern and Western countries of the EU and a new force in European party systems in the nineties. The frame for the discussion on populism is made by the representative form of democracy and responding to it dual system of media of communication. The popularity of populist parties and movements nowadays reflects the crisis of representative democracy. It is accompanied by the growing role of media in politics, which might be seen as the result of citizens’ dissatisfaction with the existing models of intermediation. The media also play a crucial role in the process of identity creation, at the same moment they illustrate the dificulty of defining identity anew.

8

Hipokryzja i narracja symboliczna w polityce

80%

Śledzińska K.

Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe

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2012

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vol. 32

113-122

EN

Modern civilization changes have pointed out the necessity of redefinition of basic mechanisms that create the public space. When it comes to defining problems, the first idea generally, is to announce „the end” of certain values. So as it is claimed, there has already been the end of the history and the end of human. We are also experiencing the end of politics at the moment. However, the praxis sphere cannot disappear. It is the sphere of human activity that politics belong to. In this context, the necessity of arranging and organizing the public space would not also disappear. New standards for political actions are desirable. There is a new model of power, a new model of society, a new model of communication and a new model of symbolic narration and role of the politician – hypocrite. What is more, reflection upon reality determines the nature of changes and supports creating process of political tools, identification of new, political rationality – based on its well known standards. The article is an attempt to pre-reflection indicating a need for recognition of the present, methateoretical, broad contexts, as well as combining the past and present experiences.

9

„Das Wunder Europa“ : Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove-Kalergi a jeho idea Pan-Evropy na stránkách Prager Presse 1921–1926

80%

Topor M.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2016

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vol. 8

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issue 1

151-181

EN

The submitted article reconstructs the interactions between Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove-Kalergi as the originator of the Pan-Europe idea, and the Prague newspaper Prager Presse, during the time from August 1921 until autumn 1926. The account notes and comments not only upon Coudenhove-Kalergi writings published in the paper, but also the reviews of his books and reports on his public appearances. Thus the article traces, how the philosopher, who comes up with a particular interpretation of the situation in Europe after the World War I, becomes a leader of the international movement, a politician and a diplomat striving to gain support for a specific model of European organisation. The final section of this article deals with how the Czech translation of Coudenhove’s book Pan-Europa originated and the circumstances it was accompanied by.

10

Politics in the Balkan countryside: case study in Serbia

80%

Lukić T., Penjišević I., Đerčan B., Đurđev B., Živković M. B., Armenski T.

Eastern European Countryside

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2014

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vol. 20

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issue 1

99-124

EN

Thanks to the field observations conducted on the territory of central Serbia, it was noticed that people in rural environment, beside the optional conversations about weather conditions, most often talk about the politics. The aim of this work was to find out how many people who live in the countryside have the contact with the politics. Hypothesis were made within the communication with several examinees, but they were verified by the poll in which more than 100 persons took part. Data were analyzed by descriptive statistics, using T-test, one-factor analysis of ANOVA variance, and also they were checked by Post-hoc Tukey test. The work task was to find out if gender, age, as well as, professional and regional differences exist in relation to the countryside inhabitants considerations about certain political issues they have been talking about. The importance of this work is to discover whether the distance from urban environments and, life in nature can make a man less interested in and indifferent to the politics.

11

Kształtowanie roli i demokratyczna odpowiedzialność wójta, burmistrza i prezydenta miasta jako lokalnego przywódcy (aspekty prawne i polityczne)

80%

Kasiński M., Katedra Prawa Administracyjnego i Nauki Administracji Z. P. S. T.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica

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2015

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vol. 74

EN

The present study shows the process of shaping the concept of local leadership in Poland, which concerns mayors of rural communes, mayors and presidents of cities, directly elected by citizens − and their role as local government executive leaders. Particular attention is paid to legal and political mechanisms of their election and political (democratic) responsibility towards the citizens. In these mechanisms, there have been detected factors which substantially weaken social trustworthiness of the role of the leader and its democratic advantages. These factors especially include a low rate of vote turnout (both in local election and in referenda for dismissal from any of the offices listed above) and various informational manipulations aimed at distorting the true picture of public opinion in these matters. The author has pointed to dysfunction of regulations and political phenomena, which cause that the concept of a local leader in Poland has met very serious difficulties in practice and is not trusted by the community.

12

Česká moderna

80%

Brabec J.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2010

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vol. 2

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issue 1

11 – 21

EN

First of all, the study differentiates between the concepts of “modernism” and “progress”, emphasizing that modernism is always linked to disruption of existing values and discovery of “low realness of reality” (Lyotard), while progress is based on the idea of a continuing upward process. Th e Czech Modernism in 1880’s and early 1890’s crystallized in heated polemic clashes that passed from science into politics. Literary works set the ideological sphere in motion, the art turbulently reflected political events, the science destructed national mythology, which had been so far perceived as constitutive for the whole national community. Literature and criticism experienced a radical turning point, which was obvious for instance in the shift toward the image of an individual losing identity and being exposed to destructive pressure of society. The Czech Modernism Manifest of October 1895 marks the end of mutual influence of oppositional forces. The extensive proclamation attempted to summarize the up-to-date literary, social and political debate and accentuated the social progress of different forces. The study explores individual streams that mingled in the proclamation: the Masaryk-type criticism (realism), cultural and social attempts of progressive movement and position of young literary critics. The common platform emerged from weaknesses of individual streams but as soon as some relative point of consolidation of the Czech society was reached, the specific features of various spheres came forth.

13

Polityka sporu. Poza polityką instytucjonalną?

80%

Foryś G.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2014

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issue 13

187-200

EN

The article is an attempt to present the growing importance of feud politics as an area beyond institutional politics. The issue discussed in the article seems to be up to date, especially in the context of modern day representative democracy crisis. It is possible to say that contestation policy is a connection of sorts between institutional politics and the society and it is a sign of taking public action parallel to traditional politics. The validity of this thesis is dependent, though, on the acceptance of the specific definition of politics itself, as well as definitions of feud and protest politics. The most accurate approach in this matter seems to be the subjectoriented one. It can be said without doubt that contestation politics is becoming an important part of institutional politics which cannot be omitted. This can be seen not only in the growing number of contestation actions, but also in the engagement of the country in this kind of politics. It seems that the perspective accepted in the article allows for further analysis of the subject, which would include such elements as: political behavior and actions, political process, or some models of group politics.

14

FROM CORPORATIONISM TO COOPERATIONISM: REVERSED GLOBALIZATION, COOPERATIVE POLITICS AND EXPANDING ONLINE COMMUNICATION IN POST-PANDEMIC TIME

80%

FIEDLER R.

Society Register

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2020

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vol. 4

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issue 3

161-168

EN

In post-pandemic time a redefinition of politics and globalization is more than possible. There are a lot of possible scenarios – one of them is the cooperative model as an antidote to the polarized politics and corporative driven globalization. The aim of this short discussion paper is to present the proposal of the shift from corporationisim to cooperationism as a functional model in addressing challenges locally and globally.

15

W poszukiwaniu istoty polityki i tego, co polityczne. Tomasz Mann, Max Weber, Carl Schmitt i Hannah Arendt pomiędzy emocjami, marzeniami i poczuciem rzeczywistości

80%

Skarzyński R.

Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi

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2010

|

vol. 32

7-31

EN

Politics understood as a social phenomenon is hardly a fundamental subject in the history of political thought. The awareness of its existence, specificity and especially particularity has appeared incredibly slowly and met a lot of resistance. The decline of societies resting on dynastical authority and birth of modern democracies caused blooming of political cogitation. This phenomenon showed its presence especially during the first decades of the twentieth century in Germany and later on, after Adolph Hitler’s ascendancy, in the thought of German-speaking emigrants. The article presents the ideas which were put forward by four German thinkers of that period in the context of social origin of their views and of their concepts’ possible acceptance which turned out to be not only limited but simply fragmentary. Max Weber’s and Carl Schmitt’s intellectual-and-political achievements especially deserve another interpretation which however should not be focused on normative ambitions of both authors but rather on their contributions to the realm of social phenomena’s explanations, primarily on their analysis of that which is political in the context of that which is social.

16

GLOBALIZATION - POLITICS - EDUCATION

80%

Chodubski A.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2013

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vol. 42

7-20

EN

In the contemporary world, the development of education is given special importance. Education is considered as a basic force of civilization changes. Interdisciplinary education, focused on innovation, is seen as a necessary challenge to cultural changes. Th e level of education is becoming an increasingly important factor in determining the economic, political and social behaviour as well as values shaping systems.

17

Ironia jako narzędzie negatywnego wartościowania w języku polityki

80%

Siennicka A.

Acta Philologica

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2016

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issue 48

59-86

PL

Autorka zajmuje się istotą ironii, która jest jednym z najbardziej interesujących zjawisk w języku współczesnej polityki. Ze względu na swą złożoność zjawisko to jest jednocześnie wyjątkowo trudne do opisania. Na podstawie wybranych przykładów zaczerpniętych z języka polityki oraz w odniesieniu do literatury przedmiotu autorka stara się przedstawić, w jaki sposób w przytoczonych wypowiedziach wyraża się ich charakter ironiczny. Artykuł pokazuje, że ironia, ukrywająca się pod nie zawsze oczywistymi i łatwymi do rozpoznania postaciami, może przybrać formę wyjątkowo agresywnej retoryki. Sięganie po tę zjadliwą odmianę ironii, zawierającą w swej istocie typ wartościowania negatywnego, okazuje się wyjątkowo skutecznym narzędziem, służącym obrażeniu, ośmieszeniu oraz pokazaniu co najmniej lekceważącego stosunku do rywala na scenie politycznej.

EN

The article analyses the use of irony in contemporary political discourse. Referring to selected examples taken from the discourse of politics, the author shows how the cited statements express their ironic characteristics. The article demonstrates that hidden irony is not always obvious and easy to recognize, and it may take a form of an extremely aggressive rhetoric. Using this virulent form of irony containing the type of negative evaluation proves to be extremely effective tool for insulting, expressing at least disrespect for the rival on the political scene.

18

Ethique et Politique

80%

Bruguès OP J.-L.

Theological Research. A Journal of Systematic Theology

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2014

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vol. 2

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issue 1

5-17

EN

The lecture engages the debate concerning the relation between politics and ethics. Ethics is the guardian of good practice and policy the guardian of the quality of life in the community. The author discusses their mutual historical development paying special attention to two dates. First in 1789, when the Bastille was demolished and the Republic founded with a slogan of ethical content (“Liberty, Equality, Fraternity”), but only in order to control it. The second date is 1989, the year in which the Berlin Wall fell, constitutes a turning point and the dominance of ethics over politics promoted by the triad: democracy, accountability, and human rights, which undoubtedly belong to the highest value. The problem with this is that ethical values can be used in an ideological way. In the final section, the Christian position on the proper relationship between ethics and policy and vice versa is discussed.

19

Polityka jako roztropna realizacja dobra wspólnego. Ujęcie Mieczysława Alberta Krąpca

80%

Radziszewska-Szczepaniak D.

Studia Elbląskie

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2014

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vol. 15

315-331

EN

Defining politics as prudent implementation of the common good has a long tradition. This is the spirit in which politics was understood by Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics and – later on – by the great Christian thinkers with Augustine and Thomas Aquinas as the most prominent examples. It was them that Father Professor Mieczysław Albert Krąpiec referred to in his dissertations on politics. His viewpoint on politics is marked by two elements. First, it is seeing the common good as the personal development of a human being. Only when understood this way, may the common good be real good for each individual person and at the same time – real good for the entire community. Second, it is acknowledging that the method of implementing the common good must be determined by the virtue of prudence. For it is prudence, including “past experience, the skill of reading and understanding the present in the context of other people and consideration for the consequences of one’s intended actions”, that enables one to choose such methods of organizing the social, economic and cultural life as well as any other public sphere, which will actually facilitate the self-improvement of a human being.

20

URBAN MOVEMENTS IN THE PROCESS OF THE LEGITIMATION OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY: ANALYSIS OF THE ACTIVITIES OF ALTERNATIVE GROUPS AND CIVIL ORGANISATIONS AT A TIME OF EUROPEAN CRISIS

80%

LEWENSTEIN B.

Society Register

|

2020

|

vol. 4

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issue 4

49-68

EN

This paper constitutes an analysis of urban movements, marked in the research as alternative groups and civil organisations, in terms of the new politics characteristic of new social movements. In particular it indicates that these movements, ostensibly urban, actually express demands towards the broader social system, delegitimating it in a twofold manner. Firstly, the acceptance of certain general principles in democratic values and rules is coupled with criticism of how the system functions in practice and of the political elites in Poland, via protest, lobbying, and watchdog activities. A separate type of delegitimation embraces organisations among which we may list cooperatives and squats, as well as organisations managing concrete spaces and withdrawing from participation in public life, shutting themselves away within autonomous spaces and realising a different cultural and democratic model. In both of these groups we are thus dealing with a strongly accentuated anti-systemic and anti-capitalist attitude towards the political reality of the period of transformation in Poland. The research delivered confirmation of the overall research hypothesis adopted in the Lifewhat project, according to which in response to economic crisis civil society responds with the emergence of alternative forms of resilience, not only alleviating the consequences of the crisis but which also, as time passes and the scale of their activities increases, may give rise to a new quality – including in a political sense. The research constitutes a part of the international Lifewhat project. It was conducted on a sample of eighteen purposefully selected civil groups and organisations operating in large cities in Poland, using the method of in-depth interviews.

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