Search results - CEJSH

1

Od/budowa Zamku Królewskiego w Poznaniu i spory o poznańską pamięć społeczną

100%

Skoczylas Ł.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

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issue 2(351)

286-298

EN

In 2010 began the re/building of the Royal Castle in Poznań, which was demolished in 1796. The process, which was initiated by the Committee for the Rebuilding of the Royal Castle arouses strong controversy. The builders of the castle are accused of falsifying history and destroying the original remains of the old castle. However, the committee was able to reach both political and social support for the rebuilding and collect money for this aim. Due to a very long absence of the castle in the urban space and lack of any certainty as to its original outlook, the object which is being built can be called an implant of social memory. An implant of memory is an object, whose function is to construct a particular knowledge of the past, becoming the carrier of this knowledge through its own form – imitating the forms of ancient objects, buildings etc. The article focuses on the national motivations of the people who take part in the reconstruction process (members of the committee and people who support it) and also on the national motivation of the opponents of the re/building. It turns out that both parties use arguments based on the complex history of the city of Poznań and the rivalry between the Polish and the German national identification. To one party the castle is a symbol of Polishness while to the other – of Germanness. The motivation of the creators is largely connected with social memory whereas the motivation of the opponents with history understood as an academic discipline.

2

Historycy i historia wobec pamięci. Refleksje na marginesie wielkich dyskusji

100%

Ruchniewicz M.

Filoteknos

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2021

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issue 11

299-314

PL

Badania historyków nad wyobrażeniami i sądami różnych grup i wspólnot (w tym narodowych) na temat ich przeszłości w ostatnich dziesięcioleciach dynamicznie się rozwinęły. Centralne miejsce zajmują w nich kwestie związane z pamięcią, przekazem doświadczenia młodszym generacjom czy odgórnego modelowania pamięcią zbiorową. Inspiracją – podobnie jak w przypadku socjologów czy kulturoznawców – były prace Maurice’a Halbwachsa i Pierre’a Nory. Rozwój tych badań wiązał się z kryzysem tradycyjnej historiografii i wpływem ogólnych przemian w naukach humanistycznych. Zainteresowania te łączyły się z analizami ruchów narodowych i klasowych, w których tworzenie i upowszechnianie tożsamości grupowej odgrywało naczelną rolę. Istotny jest także kontekst społeczny funkcjonowania historiografii, który uwypukla dysonans między rzekomo obiektywną, pozbawioną emocji historią naukowców a „historią przeżywaną/żywą” reszty społeczeństwa. Nierzadko historia jako nauka oraz pamięć historyczna (zbiorowa) postrzegane są wręcz jako konkurenci. Zauważalny wpływ otoczenia społecznego i politycznego na kształt pamięci o przeszłości wiedzie do realizowania różnych polityk historycznych (polityk pamięci), w czym udział bierze także państwo. Stosunek historyków do tych działań jest zróżnicowany. Podkreślane są obawy związane z upowszechnianiem zmitologizowanych wizji przeszłości narodowej, które byłyby sprzeczne ze stanem badań (historią). Z drugiej strony wielu historyków uważa za właściwe współdziałanie w umacnianiu narodowej wspólnoty poprzez edukację historyczną i określone praktyki upamiętniania. Pozyskiwania i zabezpieczania świadectw autobiograficznych jest ważnym obszarem działania współczesnych historyków.

3

Przełomowe lata 1988-1989 w polityce pamięci Kościoła katolickiego w Polsce

100%

Stachowiak P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

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issue 3(352)

115-129

EN

In the Church’s narration on the transformations of the end of the 1980s there is a noticeable disproportion between the actual role of representatives of the Church during the crisis of 1988-1989 and later accounts of their activity. The Church emphasizes its involvement in the process of contesting the communist system but rather does not give prominence to its activity during the proceedings of the Round Table and the contractual elections. This stance follows from the new situation in which the Church found itself after 1989 and ensuing adaptation problems. For various reasons which are discussed in the text, its representatives developed a specific “politics of memory” that includes a formula of the Church – full of goodwill but betrayed and cheated – as a witness of the decisive events of the end of the 1980s. This is done at the cost of distorting the image of those events and is connected first and foremost with goals of an immediate nature.

4

Rola Polski w antyfaszystowskiej polityce pamięci NRD (1949-1972)

100%

Żytyniec R.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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issue 2(355)

175-206

EN

The object of the study is to show the activity of the Helmut von Gerlach Society for Cultural, Economic and Political Relations with the New Poland and the history of the building of the Memorial to Polish Soldiers and German Anti-Fascists in Berlin-Friedrichshain on the example of the reception of the drama “Niemcy” (“Germans”) by Leon Kruczkowski in the GDR. The focus is on the role of Poland in the anti-fascist politics of memory of the GDR in the years 1949-1972. The aim of this politics was to join the community of memory of the camp of winners of the Second World War. Poland, being the first victim of Germany’s aggression during the war which was started by Germany, played a special role in this process becoming an important element of the GDR’s legitimization strategy aimed against the FRG. Following a relatively short period of official atonement for the war crimes committed in Poland, the politics of memory of the GDR tended to underscore the two nations’ allegedly common fight against fascism. The overcoming of the asymmetries between the two countries in the still living memory of the Second World War was effected by a class interpretation of the criminal system thereby excluding individual guilt and responsibility. The reception of the politics of memory described in the study shows that it was used in completely different ways by each country for its own internal purposes. Whereas in the GDR the dominant narration was that of common fight, in the Polish People’s Republic emphasis was placed mainly on the Polish contribution to the defeat of Nazism.

5

O HISTORII HISTORIOGRAFII. KILKA REFLEKSJI O SUBDYSCYPLINIE

100%

Wójcik-Łagan H.

Historia@Teoria

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2017

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vol. 1

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issue 3

63-73

EN

Historians of historiography who seek new possibilities to research the historiographic phenomena believe that the traditional historiography has also become obsolete in its academic form. Th ey think of methods that would allow building a coexistence of the traditional model of historiographic research, which has been simplifi ed to erudite research and presentation of historians – masters with a concept that respects the dynamics of historic thinking, included within the contexts of a political, ideological, and social epoch. Th e latt er task requires from historians of historiography signifi cantly developed professional competences within the scope of sociology, philosophy, and psychology.

6

Rzeź Ormian w dyskursie izraelskim

100%

Budzik J.

Slavia Occidentalis

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2015

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issue 72/2

105-116

PL

The article attempts to give a brief overview of the history of Israeli discourse on the Armenian Genocide, which still has not been officially recognised by the State of Israel. The main objective of the paper is to point out the key events and attitudes taken as part of the Israeli discourse that are – directly and indirectly – responsible for this situation. The problem is analysed in two major contexts – namely those of the official, Israeli Holocaust discourse and the foreign politics of the state, including the influence these two spheres had on the ArmenianGenocide’s official status in the Israeli collective memory.

7

Historical Narrative and Tradition as Instruments of Creating the Image of the State on the International Arena: The Case of Kazakhstan

100%

Waśkiel T.

Historia i Polityka

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2019

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issue 30 (37)

43-63

EN

The article aims to explain the relationships between the official historical narrative (politics of memory) and the image of the state on the international area (nation branding). The analysis was based mainly on the Kazakh cinematography and the Kazakh TV station programs. I argue that the official historical narrative may contribute to the change of Kazakhstan perception on the international area. Politics of memory aims at highlighting the selected historical periods and concealing others. Kazakhstan elites are trying to emphasize the recent history, modernization and economic successes of the state after 1991. The pre-Soviet history is also strongly accentuated, and the historical continuity of the Kazakh nation (or even its statehood) from the end of the 15th century is highlighted. The politics of memory also aims at retraditionalization, i.e., the traditional lifestyle of nomads is widely publicized. On the other hand, the period of Russian and Soviet rule, painful events in the history of the twentieth century, are omitted or even concealed. Such a manner of conducting politics of memory may change the image of Kazakhstan, from the post–Soviet state to a modern one, modernized but at the same time nomadic, with a rich tradition.

8

Decommunisation of the Public Space in Post–Euromaidan Ukraine

100%

Kozyrska A.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2016

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vol. 45

130-144

EN

The problem of thorough and ultimate decommunisation in Ukraine got suddenly valid during Euromaidan on the turn of 2013/2014 and after its termination. It became a component of post–revolutionary reforms in the field of policy of memory. A year after Euromaidan Ukraine’s parliament adopted four “decommunisation laws” on 9 April 2015. One of them concerns the condemnation of the Communist regime and prohibition the propaganda of his symbols. The author analysed contents of the law and focused on the results of decommunisation, which included the cleansing the public space from Soviet–era legacy. Full implementation of the law was planned for the year. During this time the goal was almost fully implemented regarding the renaming of many locations and districts. The communist names of thousands streets, squares, urban districts were changed, although this process was delayed. The process of renaming of many institutions, industrial plants and press titles was very slow.

9

Prudential i pokusy wymazywania

100%

Wójcik A.

Res Publica Nowa

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2013

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issue 1

58-61

EN

“Prudential” – one of first and most well-known skyscrapers of Warsaw – showcases both the power and fragility of architecture as a device of social memory. Upon its completion, the building became an icon of the monumental capital of the thirties, only to achieve status as a symbol of wartime resistance several years later. Reconstructed as an upscale hotel in the postwar People’s Republic of Poland, it gained a decorative entrance with caryatides – a proper ex ample of social realist architecture. The caryatides were demolished Turing refurbishment in the 2010s. The article discusses this act in the wider framework of interferences in the visual sphere and showcases its importance to the politics of memory.

10

Between Trauma and Nostalgia: Second Generation Memory of the War in Bosnia and Herzegovina

100%

Wasiak K.

Historia i Polityka

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2023

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issue 46 (53)

71-83

EN

In this article, the author set out to analyze the war narratives of the Bosniak second generation – the generation that de facto did not experience the war, and base their stories on the experiences of their loved ones. The author shows how family narratives about the war affect the contemporary lives of those born after the war, and most importantly, how they affect contemporary ethnic relations in Bosnia.

11

Tektoniczne napięcia, rowy, wypiętrzenia: materialność pamięci w „Festung Warschau” Elżbiety Janickiej

100%

Korczyńska-Partyka D.

Jednak Książki. Gdańskie Czasopismo Humanistyczne

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2015

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issue 3/2015 "My, Naród..." Polski mit narodowy dzisiaj

51-68

EN

The presented text is an analysis of materiality of memory in Elżbieta Janicka's book Festung Warschau. The text presents two approaches of defying the relation between space and memory. The first approach is related to searching for past signs, while the second approach uncovers past traces. In the studied book each approach is bonded to a different narration style. Furthermore, the presented text conceptualizes the city space of Warsaw, created by Janicka, as a space of memory (S. Kapralski's term).

12

Inteligencja i Zagłada. Rozpraszanie obrazu [The intelligentsia and the Holocaust. Dispersing the image]

100%

Chmielewska K.

Studia Litteraria et Historica

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2018

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issue 7

EN

The intelligentsia and the Holocaust. Dispersing the imageThis paper in the field of cultural memory studies addresses the workings of memory, or more precisely – a politics of memory whereby the image of the intelligentsia and its role in the Holocaust vanishes from the collective consciousness. The relative visibility of peasants denouncing Jews, murdering them and plundering their property is accompanied by an invisibility of the intelligentsia and its essential role in reinforcing the exclusion and antisemitic patterns of behavior before the Holocaust which facilitated direct involvement in these events, as well as an invisibility of the intelligentsia’s own participation in the events of the Holocaust. Inteligencja i Zagłada. Rozpraszanie obrazuTekst z zakresu badań nad pamięcią kulturową dotyczy pracy pamięci, a właściwie polityki pamięci, w której ramach ze społecznej świadomości znika obraz inteligencji i jej roli podczas Zagłady. Względnej widzialności chłopskiego wydawania Żydów, ich mordowania i grabienia towarzyszy niewidzialność inteligencji i jej kluczowej roli w reprodukowaniu wykluczenia i wzorów antysemickich poprzedzających Zagładę i umożliwiających bezpośrednie zaangażowanie w wydarzenia, a także jej własnego udziału w Zagładzie.

13

Polin: „Ultimate Lost Object”

100%

Tokarska-Bakir J.

Studia Litteraria et Historica

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2016

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issue 5

EN

Polin: "Ultimate Lost Object”The article is a critique of the POLIN Museum’s contemporary exhibition, which – according to the author – suppresses the most difficult aspect of Polish-Jewish past, the ones associated with the violence of the pogroms that were the decisive factor in the greatest waves of Jewish emigration from Poland.Polin: „Ultimate Lost Object”Tekst stanowi krytykę projektu wystawy współczesnej Muzeum POLIN, tłumiącej – zdaniem autorki – najtrudniejsze, związane z przemocą pogromową, aspekty polsko-żydowskiej przeszłości, które zdecydowały o największych falach emigracji Żydów z Polski.

14

Od internacjonalnej do własnej historii – mniejszość białoruska w Polsce

100%

Śleszyński W.

Acta Baltico-Slavica

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2017

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vol. 41

EN

From international history to one’s own history – Belorusian minority in PolandAfter World War II the Belarusians who did not leave Poland could gain upward mobility only if they avoided displaying their national and cultural distinctiveness. Belarusians made a political choice which coincided with a vision of history and thus accepted a historical narrative spread by communist circles. The narrative constructed by the Belarusian minority was consistent with the officially proclaimed state ideological narrative. It contained mostly the history of the Communist Party of Western Belarus and described a difficult situation of Belarus in the Second Polish Republic and during World War II (especially the Great Patriotic War).The Belarusian community made first attempts to rebuild the current vision of the world in 1980–1981. Students tried to create an alternative historical narrative that contradicted the communist one. However, it was a gradual collapse of the communist system that became an impetus for more active development of the Belarusian minority in Poland, and consequently, the creation of its own national vision of history. The Belarusian heritage has been based on the Belarusian People's Republic and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and not, as it was in the Soviet Socialist Republic of Belarus or after 1994, on the Republic of Belarus and the victory in the Great Patriotic War. Od internacjonalnej do własnej historii – mniejszość białoruska w PolscePozostała w Polsce po II wojnie światowej społeczność białoruska uzyskała możliwość awansu społecznego pod warunkiem nieeksponowania swojej narodowej i kulturowej odrębności. Białorusini, dokonując wyboru politycznego, pokrywającego się z wyborem wizji historii, akceptowali obraz dziejów prezentowany przez środowiska komunistyczne. Konstruowany przez mniejszość białoruską przekaz historyczny zgodny był z oficjalnie głoszonym państwowym przekazem ideologicznym. Dominowały treści o historii Komunistycznej Partii Zachodniej Białorusi, o trudnej sytuacji białoruskiej w II RP i w latach II wojny światowej, ale z naciskiem położonym jedynie na okres Wielkiej Wojny Ojczyźnianej.Pierwsze próby przebudowy dotychczasowej wizji świata przez społeczność białoruską zostały podjęte w latach 1980–1981. Zwłaszcza środowiska studenckie próbowały stworzyć alternatywę dla dotychczasowego skomunizowanego, białoruskiego przekazu historycznego. Jednak dopiero stopniowy upadek systemu komunistycznego stał się impulsem do coraz bardziej aktywnego rozwoju mniejszości białoruskiej w Polsce, a co za tym idzie także kreowania własnej, narodowej wizji dziejów. Fundamentem, na którym budowana była pamięć o dziedzictwie, stało się odwoływanie się do Białoruskiej Republiki Ludowej i Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego, a nie, jak to miało miejsce w Białoruskiej Socjalistycznej Republice Sowieckiej czy po 1994 r. w Republice Białoruś, zwycięstwa w Wielkiej Wojnie Ojczyźnianej.

15

The Empire Strikes Back. Russian National Cinema After 2005

100%

Rawski T., Roman-Rawska K.

Colloquia Humanistica

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2017

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issue 6

EN

The Empire Strikes Back. Russian National Cinema After 2005The paper provides critical analysis of the latest wave of Russian national cinema (2005-2013), considered one of key instruments of Vladimir Putin’s nation-building cultural policy. The analysis, focused mostly on historical film and war film, reveals the concept of an ‘imperial nation’ as the main concept underlying this policy. The new Russian nation-concept is calculated to binding elements from two former Russian imperial traditions: tradition of the Russian Empire and the Soviet tradition, thus trying to overcome the identity crisis in contemporary Russia. Imperium kontratakuje. Rosyjskie kino narodowe po 2005 rokuArtykuł zajmuje się krytyczną analizą filmów najnowszej fali rosyjskiego kina narodowego (2005-2013), uważanej tu za jedno z kluczowych narzędzi polityki kulturalnej Władimira Putina obliczonej na budowanie narodu. Autorzy artykułu skupiają się przede wszystkim na filmie historycznym i wojennym, odsłaniając pojęcie „imperialnego narodu” jako konceptu stojącego u podstaw oficjalnej polityki. Nowe rosyjskie pojęcie narodu łączy w sobie dwie tradycje rosyjskie: tradycję Imperium Rosyjskiego oraz tradycję Związku Radzieckiego, próbując w ten sposób przezwyciężyć kryzys tożsamościowy współczesnej Rosji.

16

Uchwały sejmowe jako mechanizm polityki pamięci

88%

Nijakowski L. M.

Przegląd Humanistyczny

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2017

|

vol. 61(2 (457))

89-103

PL

The article presents the results of the systematic analysis of the resolutions of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland (10th–8th terms of office) as a mechanism aimed at shaping the collective memory of the Polish society. It outlines a research field and characterizes a legislative mechanism. Further, the article discusses research techniques and methods, and presents partial research results. The author shows that commemorative resolutions are an important element of the state politics of memory and lead to the emergence of various commemorative initiatives. On the other hand, their significance is moderated by the state of collective memory and the dominant topoi and public discourse strategies. Most often the resolutions using the so-called “constructive strategies” do not seek to radically reformulate the state of social historical consciousness. They disregard inconvenient persons and events and foster petrification of social imagination and marginalization of the minority communities of memory.

17

“Do Not Allow History and Memory to Be Forgotten!” Re-emigrants from Yugoslavia as a Memory Community of an Alternative Collective Memory

88%

Pavlásek M.

Národopisná revue (Journal of Ethnology)

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2019

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vol. 29

|

issue 5

29 - 40

EN

The study follows the trajectory of a group of re-emigrants who took an active part in the partisan (antifascist, or Communist) resistance movement during the Second World War in Yugoslavia and who established their own partisan unit, the Czechoslovak Brigade of Jan Žižka. After the war, partisans with Czechoslovak citizenship decided to answer the call from Czechoslovakia, and they and their families settled the areas from which the old German residents had been expelled. After their arrival, the state welcomed them as antifascist heroes (freedom fighters), but at the local level, they were accepted as undesired “outlanders”, “other Czechs”, or “Yugoslavians”. After Cominform issued its first resolution, the regime of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia stigmatized them as being “unreliable for the state”. After the fall of the Communist regime in 1989, they found themselves in a position of memory bearers, a position that did not correspond to the contemporary hegemonic anti-Communist narrative. Due to this fact, the second generation of re-emigrants in particular feels that their ancestors have been unjustifiably erased from history, their legacy and imagined family honour unrecognized. At their own commemorative meetings, they clearly demonstrate their dissatisfaction with the contemporary exclusion of their partisan ancestors from the post-Communist national narrative. I argue in the text that the perceived non-ethnic otherness in the past alongside their historical experience and the contemporary postCommunist politics of memory led the re-emigrants to the formation of their own memory community (and thus identity).

18

Konfliktowe rocznice – wymiar międzynarodowy polskiej polityki pamięci na przykładzie wybranych uchwał rocznicowych Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

88%

Secler B.

Przegląd Humanistyczny

|

2017

|

vol. 61(2 (457))

115-124

PL

The main purpose of the article is to analyze the international dimension of the Polish politics of memory executed by commemorative and anniversary resolutions of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. The adopted resolutions are often sources of conflicts and disputes, which translate into interstate divisions. They also have a negative impact on the relations with other states. The examples of such disputes were discussions on resolutions relating to the seventieth anniversary of the Soviet aggression against Poland (2009) and the seventy third anniversary of the Volhynia massacre (2016). In this essay I make an attempt, among other things, to reconstruct and evaluate them.

19

Twenty Years After Communism: The Methodological Review Review Essay: Michael Bernhard & Jan Kubik (Eds.), Twenty Years after Communism: The Politics of Memory and Commemoration. New York: Oxford University Press 2014 (pp. 384). ISBN 9780199375134. Price: £79.00

88%

Śledź A. P.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2017

|

vol. 2 (46)

289–297

EN

The paper is a methodological review essay of Michael Bernhard and Jan Kubik’s comparative study of politics of memory and commemoration in seventeen Central and Eastern European states twenty years after the fall of state socialism. The goal of the essay is to critically examine Bernhard and Kubik’s volume, with a particular focus on the comparative methods they applied to explain how some political and cultural factors at the time of the collapse of communism affected a memory regime in the post-communist democracies. This analysis critically examines four aspects of the study, being: the central theoretical assumptions and contribution in comparative and memory politics; case selection; methodology and data analysis; main findings. Each part includes a summary of the particular aspect of the book, the main strengths and weaknesses, and possible improvements. The review essay emphasis is particularly novel and innovative comparative methodology in studying politics of memory and its universality, suggesting, however, severe problems with a lack of clear and consistent discourse analysis methodology which could affect the quality of final results.

20

Ajaloo tunnistaja ehk Poola suulise ajaloo spetsiifikast

88%

Kurkowska-Budzan M.

Mäetagused

|

2014

|

vol. 56

21-38

EN

In most of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, oral history was initiated in the circles of dissidents in the 1980s. Memories of the politically marginalised or persecuted citizens were the source of insights into uncensored versions of recent past. Therefore the term “a witness to history” is central to the “civic historiography”, which has been developed in Poland. After the fall of communism, the civic participation in the archiving, educating and researching has been institutionalised and identifies itself as oral history. The article presents epistemological and ethical paradoxes of the concept of “a witness to history” in the light of social and linguistic practice, as well as its historiographical and political usage. Examples of major oral history projects actively present in the public space and state and public institutions, influencing oral history practice in Poland, are presented. In the analysis of such institutions as the Warsaw Uprising Museum or the Institute of National Memory, the author focuses on their definition of “a witness to history” and places their practices in the context of the politics of memory implemented in Poland since 2005. Apart from the abovementioned powerful social players in the serious game of memory, knowledge and imagination, there are, however, other social actors contributing to the notion of oral history and creating an alternative vision of its tasks. The author sketches two modes of the development of oral history in Poland – academic and public oral history – pointing at the concepts of ‘narrator’ and ‘a witness to history’, and briefly summarises the main problems of contemporary dominant practice.

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