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1

RZYMSKIE UREGULOWANIA DOTYCZĄCE ‘INIURIA’ A KARNOPRAWNA OCHRONA CZCI W PRAWIE POLSKIM

100%

Nowicka D.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2014

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vol. 14

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issue 1

133-158

PL

ROMAN REGULATIONS CONCERNING ‘INIURIA’ AND PROTECTION OF HONOUR AND REPUTATION IN POLISH CRIMINAL LAW Summary The aim of this article is to compare and contrast Roman and Polish criminal regulations concerning protection of an individual’s honour and reputation in two different areas: objects of legal protection, and forms of conduct liable to prosecution and providing grounds for legal action. Considerable differences may be observed between these two legal systems on both counts. While in Roman law any and every defamatory act, regardless of its form, gave rise to iniuria, Polish penal law divides non-physical acts against honour and reputation into two separate categories: pomówienie (defamation and/or slander), and zniewaga (insult). This distinction is based on the criterion of the object of legal protection: pomówienie is an attack on an individual’s reputation, while zniewaga is an attack on his dignity. The types of punishable conduct are different as well; as regards pomówienie only verbalised attacks are liable to prosecution as offences against reputation. Analysis of this matter leads to the conclusion that the distinction made in Polish criminal law for offences against honour and reputation into two different categories in consequence of the recognition of two separate objects of protection against non-physical attacks may not be the best solution.

2

ANALIZA KULTUROWYCH ASPEKTÓW W NIEMIECKIM PRZEKŁADZIE POLSKIEGO KODEKSU KARNEGO

94%

SIEWERT K.

Comparative Legilinguistics

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2014

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vol. 17

131-144

EN

Translation of legal texts is a specific kind of cultural transfer because law and itslanguage are an integral part of social culture. They are not only a result of a centuries-oldhistorical evolution but also a reflection of a specific vision and understanding of the reality whichis organised by the particular society through legal institutions. The translator is, therefore,expected to have not only specialist knowledge but also cultural competence which enables him to identify cultural elements in the source text and to reconstruct them in the target text. The present article intends to analyse selected examples from the newest German translation of the Polish penal code, focusing on translation solutions on different levels of the text in order to reconstruct culturaldissimilarity.

PL

Przekład tekstów prawnych i prawniczych jest szczególnym rodzajem transferu kulturowego, ponieważ prawo i jego język stanowią integralną część kultury społecznej. Są one nie tylko rezultatem wielowiekowej ewolucji historycznej, lecz także odbiciem specyficznej wizji i sposobu rozumienia rzeczywistości, którą społeczeństwo organizuje za pośrednictwem określonych instytucji prawnych. Dlatego też oprócz wiedzy specjalistycznej od tłumacza oczekuje się kompetencji kulturowej, która pozwala zidentyfikować elementy kulturowe w tekście wyjściowym i odtworzyć je w tekście docelowym. W poniższym artykule zostanie przeprowadzona analiza wybranych przykładów pochodzących z najnowszego przekładu polskiego kodeksu karnego na język niemiecki pod kątem rozwiązań translatorskich zastosowanych w celu oddania odmienności kulturowych na różnych poziomach tekstu.

3

Zabójstwa typu kwalifikowanego w polskim i rosyjskim prawie karnym

84%

Okulski M.

Roczniki Wydziału Nauk Prawnych i Ekonomicznych KUL

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2011

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vol. 7

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issue 1 Prawo

79-114

EN

The present study constitutes an attempt to analyze the essence of homicides of the qualified type against its legal regulation both in Polish and Russian Penal Code, as well as a modest reflection on the feasibility of the expansion of its typology. A homicide of the qualified type, as a particularly reprehensible case of intentional killing of another human, does not constitute a monolith in Criminal Code; rather it forms a set of acts, at times significantly different in spite of the identity of consequences, which, in the context of its unlawfulness and highly detrimental impact on society deserves a particularly harsh response and punishment from the penal law. Therefore, a more severe legal penalty compared to a common corpus delicti is imposed on the offender. Aggravation of a penalty for homicide of the qualified type, as sentencing in Russia reveals, is carried out by increasing both lower and upper thresholds. The expansion the types of homicide in polish penal code of 1997 for homicide of the qualified type was met with criticism, not only due to its too casuistic engrossment, but also the lack of any difference in punishment for common corpus delicti in its upper threshold.

4

Kształtowanie się pojęcia zabójstwa w polskim irosyjskim prawie karnym. Wybrane aspekty

84%

Okulski M.

Roczniki Wydziału Nauk Prawnych i Ekonomicznych KUL

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2008

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vol. 4

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issue 1 Prawo

117-138

EN

The key to the statutory characteristics of homicide in both Polish and Russian criminal law lies in the establishing of the semantic domain of this specific legal notion, which, docketed in Polish and Russian legal order, is a thought model reproducing illegal acts committed intentionally resulting in homicide. However, the explicit legal notion of this crime came into only in the 20th century ultimately excluding the possibility of either ‘registering’ accidental manslaughter or suicide, penalized for centuries, into its scope. Although a ransom, a drastic social therapy in the form of a bloody retaliation or ius talionis constitute now only a historical evolution marks of the right to punish for the crime of murder, the essence of penalty as a reprisal for the crime committed has been intact. The description of homicide only in strict legal terms yielding to normative force and dogmatic conversion can not be completed. The way to its right comprehension lies in rejecting the dominant in Polish and Russian criminal law notion of variegating of the scope of the legal protection of life of individuals for human development stage.

5

Wokół problematyki karalności przerywania ciąży w Polsce

84%

Borkowska K. K., Guzik-Makaruk E. M., Pływaczewski E. W.

Prawo w Działaniu

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2023

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issue 53

7-19

EN

The right to abortion is a human right and as such occupies an important role in public discourse. In the study, its authors point to the history of Polish abortion law, outline the current legal status in this respect, paying attention to the provisions penalizing abortion related crimes.

PL

Prawo do aborcji jest prawem człowieka i jako takie zajmuje ważną rolę w dyskursie publicznym. W opracowaniu autorzy wskazują na historię polskiego prawa aborcyjnego, kreślą aktualny stan prawny w tym zakresie, zwracając uwagę na przepisy penalizujące przestępstwa aborcyjne.

6

Granice nieletniości w polskim prawie karnym

83%

Rdzanek-Piwowar G.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1993

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issue XIX

191-231

EN

The entering into force on 13 May l983 of the Act on the treatment of juveniles of 26 October 1982 ended the period of over fifty years of validity of provisions of the penal code of 1932 (Chapter XI) and code of criminal procedure of 1928 (Chapter II of Book XI) which regulated the principles of responsibility of juvenile perpetrators of “acts prohibited under penalty”. Authors of the pre-war legislation, at the first stage of its preparation in particular, intended to make it specific and educational in nature through omission in the treatment of juveniles of the elements of responsibility and punishment. The finally adopted solution was a compromise: responsibility of juveniles have been related to age, discernment, and type of measures applied. With respect to undiscerning juvenile perpetrators of acts prohibited under penalty under the age of 13, and also to those aged 13–17, only educational measures could be applied (admonition; supervision by the parents, former guardians, or a probation officer; placement in an educational institution) Juveniles aged 13–17 who discerned the meaning of their act were to be placed in a correction al institution; educational measures were to be applied in their cases if the circumstances, the juvenile’s personality or his living conditions made such placement inexpedient. Thus the legislation concerning juveniles remained part of the system of penal law in spite of the special features it started to acquire. That was also the direction, after the war in particular, of interpretation of the legal provisions. As a result, the measures applied to juveniles were given an explicitly educational character. This was done through the relation of those imeasures to the perpetrator’s personality and not to the act, and through abolition of the institution of discernment. Since discernment. Since mid–1950s, the juvenile courts followed instructions which changed the legal status of a juvenile. The age limit of penal responsibility of juveniles was set initially at ten and then at 13 years; younger children were not to be brought before the courts unless the case concerned guardianship. Many changes in the post-war provisions were also introduced by means of statutes. They concerned organization and functioning of the system of treatment of juveniles (strengthening of the role of judge, introduction of the so-called family courts, increased number of probation officers). This way, a socially desirable continuation of the legal tradition was secured by means of reforms which were evolutionary and dictated by the current needs, and without liquidation of the existing structures, tested in the practice of many decades. The new statute adopted many of those changes more or less directly. Setting the upper age limit of juveniles, the post-war penal code of 1969 preserved the principle according to which criminal responsibility is conditioned upon the offender’s age of at least 17 (Art. 9). At the same time, though, Art. 9 made it possible to apply to offenders aged 17 the measures normally designed for juveniles, and to sentence juveniles aged 16 guilty of the most serious crimes to the ordinary but extraordinarily mitigated penalties. The final shape of the Act on the treatment of juveniles of 26 October 1982 was influenced both by the intent to preserve the developed and tested solutions, and by the discussion that preceded its introduction when optional conceptions of the treatment of juveniles were submitted. The following stages of the thirty-two years’ period of legislative works can be distinguished: – the years 1950–1956; long works on a new penal code were in progress and attempts were made at aggravating the responsibility of juveniles through the introduction of penalties (according to a draft of 1950, penalties were to be imposed on juveniles starting from the age of 12); – the years 1956–1960; in 1956, it was decided to work on a separate statute on juvenil and not within the preparation of a new penal code; a special team of the Codification Commission failed to agree upon a draft of the statute; – the years 1961–65; no legislative works were formally in progres but two different conceptions were discussed: of inclusion of prevention in the act (which would thus apply to the socially maladjusted juveniles as well) and of introduction of social courts; – the years 1966–1971; attempts were made at partly realizing those conceptions in a succession of draft statutes; – the years 1972–76; the works were conducted by the Ministry of Education which tried to include the problems of prevention of juvenile delinquency and treatment of juveniles in a broader statute called the young generation code; – the years 1977–82 when the works on a statute were again taken over by the Ministry of Justice and a succession of versions of the draft were prepared. The Act of 26 October 1982 on the treatment of juveniles changed the scope of the notion of “juvenile”. According to the statutory definition, juveniles are: 1) persons with respect to whom provisions of the act apply in the sphere of prevention and control of demoralization; the upper age limit in this category is 18 years, and the lower limit is not specified; 2) persons with respect to whom provisions of the statute apply in the sphere of proceedings in cases of punishable acts; such proceedings can be instituted towards persons who have been aged over 13 but under 17 while committing a punishable act; 3) persons with respect to whom provisions of the statute apply in connection with the carrying out of educational or corrective measures; the upper age limit of this category is 21 years. Tlerefore, the statute goes beyond the sphere traditionally reserved for penal law. The aim at making the statute educational in nature is manifested above all by the principle that the commission by a juvenile of a punishable act is not the only condition of the institution of proceedings in the case of that juvenile. The statute sanctions the need for intervention in the early stage of social maladjustment not only in cases where that maladjustment manifests itself in a punishable act. If a juvenile does commit an act of this kind, his offence is not examined in the categories of guilt and responsibility. This is manifested by the abolition of the criteria of discernment, by the term “punishable act” used to designate an offence committed by a juvenile, and by the absence of the term “responsibility of juveniles” in the name and provisions of the statute discussed. The statute bases on the assumption of education; its basic notion is demoralization. In its first meaning in which it has been used by the legislator, “demoralization'” is treated as a prerequisite of initiation of proceedings. Were the educational assumptions adopted to the full, commission of a punishable act could and should be treated as one of the symptoms of demoralization, not different in any way from the other symptoms. Assumed in the statute, however, is a special treatment of the juveniles with respecr to whom provisions of the statute apply in the sphere of prevention of demoralization, and in the sphere of control of demoralization. With respect to the latter, provisions of the statute on proceedings in cases of punishable acts apply, and with respect to the former – provisions on civil proceedings. The differentiation introduced by the statute (which is not consistent for that matter) results from a specific compromise: a combination of the ideas of prevention and education with the approach typical of penal law where the legal response is conditioned upon the gravity of the act. A conflict of the tendencies which clash nowadays all over the world – to preserve the model of treatment of juveniles within the institutions of penal law on the one hand, and to give the statute an educational character on the other hand – can be noticed in other provisions of the statute discussed as well. In the classical system, the age limits of juveniles were clear and had just as clearly defined functions – they marked out the age of the so-called conditional criminal responsibility, provided discernment could be ascertained. Today, the upper limit of the age of juveniles is usually also the limit of full criminal responsibility, although many legislations provide for an exceptional possibility of imposition of penalties upon the oldest juveniles who commit a crime or a serious offence. The problem of the lower limit is more entangled , the modern legislations adopting several age limits here which results usually from the need to determine different scopes of intervention of the legal provisions in the sphere of juvenile law. Therefore, what still remains an important issue is for the juvenile law to define an age limit below which provisions of penal law never apply, not even as auxiliaries.

7

Culture defence a polskie prawo karne

71%

Sitarz O.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2008

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issue XXIX-XXX

643-652

8

Wiktymologiczny obraz handlu ludźmi i niewolnictwa na tle prawa międzynarodowego i polskiego prawa karnego

71%

Sitarz O., Sołtysiak-Blachnik A.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2006

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issue XXVIII

367-374

EN

In order to understand the essence of the crime, two issues have to be taken into account: not only do we analyse features of the perpetrator, but also the victim’s behaviour. Both measures have to be recognised in the light of their mutual relations. In such a case, victimology is instrumental for criminology. It answers the fundamental question: who and why becomes a victim of a crime? It is victimology that draws our attention to a post-crime victimisation problem in the psychological, social and legal aspects. These issues are particularly vital in the case of human trafficking. First, the victim of the crime has to be defined. Over the centuries, the word ‘victim’ came to have an additional meaning. Nowadays, the legal definition of a victim in many countries typically includes the following: it is a person who suffered direct or threatened physical, emotional or pecuniary harm as a result of the commission of a crime. In the Polish legal system, a legal definition of a victim is given in the Polish Charter of Victims’ Rights, whereas the Polish penal law speaks of an aggrieved party and defines it in Article 49 of the Criminal Procedure Code. However, one fact draws our attention. The aggrieved or those objectively recognised as aggrieved do not agree with such a qualification. Let us take a closer look at the reasons why they see themselves in a different role. There is no doubt that one of the reasons is the fact that victims are often qualified as persons offending the law, as criminals. Another problem, is the victims’ return to their previous life situation, which had led them to being recruited by a human trafficker. We also need to point out that the relations between human traffickers and their victims are extremely complex. However, the key issue is that there is an agreement for a crime. The decision-making processes have to be analysed. The victims of human trafficking find themselves in a situation where they have a considerable limitation of free decision making. One of the major examples reflecting these problems that always takes place in a compulsory situation in the wide sense of this expression is job undertaking which leads to the abuse of the potential worker’s situation. A very specific example is a job agency. The question that appears is when we should speak of an unlawfully acting job agent, and when we can start calling this human trafficking? Is every illegal job agency dealing with human trafficking? What is the difference between these two? And finally when does a worker become a victim and an aggrieved party? What types of slavery and slaves exist today? bounded labour affects at least 20 milion people around the world. People become bounded labourers by taking or being tricked into taking a loan for as little as the cost of medicines for a sick child. To repay the debt, many are forced to work overtime, seven days a week, up to 365 days a year. They receive basic food and shelter as ‘payment’ for their work, but may never pay off the loan, which can be passed down for another generation; eaily and forced marriage affects women and girls who are married without choice and are forced into lives of servitude often accompanied by physical violence; forced labour affects people who are illegally recruited by individuals, governments or political parties and forced to work usually under threat of violence or other penalties; slavery by descent is where people are either born into a slave class or are from a group that the society views as suited to be used as slave labour; trafficking involves the transport and/or trade of people: ‘woman, children and men’, from one area to another for the purpose of forcing them into slavery conditions; worst forms of child labour affects an estimated 179 million children around the world in work that is harmful to their health and welfare. Children work on the land, in households as domestic workers, in factories making products such as matches, fireworks and glassware, on the streets as beggars, in the outdoor industry, brick kilns, mines, construction sector, in bars, restaurants and tourist establishments, in sexual exploitation, as soldiers. It seems that pursuant to the Employment and Unemployment Countering Act (Ustawa o zatrudnieniu i przeciwdziałaniu bezrobociu) a model contrary to the one in the act can create a criminological model of modern human trafficking. It would be then running a business to gain financial benefits in the way that the businessperson exploits the position of the aggrieved party and provides the future employer with employees. The latter group, however, even if agreeing to move abroad, becomes completely dependant on the employer which is often combined with a deprivation of liberty, because they have no possibility to choose their place of staying or withdraw from the previous agreement. A number of international regulations, e.g. the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children which supplements the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime of 2000, the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography of 2000, the Slavery Convention of 1926 together with a Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery dated l956 show, that the issue under discussion still remains a contemporary problem, and needs regulations aiming at finding relevant solutions. There can be no doubts in the light of the nullum crimen sine lege certa that a precise description of the crime is essential. Only a precise definition of a separate crime of human trafficking will enable to recognise the scope of the problem and will create internationally accepted circumstances to overcome it. Such a definition must include at least: acts: recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of a person; means: threat to use or the use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, fraud, deception, abuse of power or a position of vulnerability; purposes: forced labour or services, slavery slavery-like practices or servitude. Everyone, government and non-governmental organisations, must focus on the crime which must be precisely described including a detailed description of a victim. It is highly urgent and important to harmonise all legislative measures in order to prevent human trafficking, which would guarantee an effective protection of victims and prosecution of criminals.

9

Zjawisko wiktymizacji wtórnej: pojęcie, przyczyny, przeciwdziałanie (na przykładzie niektórych polskich regulacji karnych)

71%

Bieńkowska E.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2008

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issue XXIX-XXX

65-74

10

Wybrane zagadnienia dotyczące odpowiedzialności karnej egzorcysty w prawie polskim

59%

Ciepły F.

Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego

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2014

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vol. 17

111-125

PL

Artykuł porusza problem odpowiedzialności karnej egzorcysty za zachowania związane z reakcją na ujawnienie się podczas egzorcyzmu transu opętania. Egzorcyzm w Kościele katolickim jest formą celebracji liturgicznej i jego praktykowanie podlega prawnej ochronie. Warunkiem legalności przeprowadzenia obrzędu jest dobrowolne w nim uczestnictwo. W sytuacji ataku transu opętania, które jest zaburzeniem istotnie ograniczającym świadomość osoby egzorcyzmowanej, krępowanie ruchów jej ciała i kontynuowanie modlitwy, wbrew zewnętrznym odruchom, nie zawiera cechy działania bezprawnego. Pojawiający się opór, co do dalszego udziału w egzorcyzmie, nie oznacza cofnięcia wcześniej wyrażonej zgody osoby na uczestnictwo w egzorcyzmie. Kontynuowanie egzorcyzmu jest pierwotnie legalne ze względu na brak ataku na dobro prawne (wolność osoby egzorcyzmowanej). Egzorcysta podlega ewentualnej odpowiedzialności karnej nie tylko za nieudzielanie pomocy w sytuacji bezpośredniego zagrożenia życia lub zdrowia osoby egzorcyzmowanej, ale również za ewentualne umyślne bądź nieumyślne narażenie osoby egzorcyzmowanej na niebezpieczeństwo utraty życia lub ciężkiego uszczerbku na zdrowiu, spowodowanie tzw. ciężkiego, średniego albo lekkiego uszczerbku na zdrowiu lub nieumyślne spowodowanie śmierci. Należy wziąć pod uwagę reguły obiektywnego przypisania skutku.

EN

The article discusses the issue of criminal liability for acts of the exorcist associated with disorder of possession trance during exorcism. Exorcism in the Catholic Church is a form of liturgical celebration and a subject to legal protection. The condition for the legality of exorcism is voluntary participation. An attack of possession trance is usually the cause of loss or significant limitation of person’s consciousness, so, despite of external impulses of the person’s body, the exorcist’s refusing to stop the prayer is not an unlawful behavior. Exorcist eventually could be responsible for failing to render assistance to a person in a situation threatening an immediate danger of loss of life or serious bodily injury, intentional or unintentional exposure of a person to an immediate danger of loss of life or serious bodily injury, causing heavy, medium or light bodily injury or an impairment to health or manslaughter. The issue shall be assessed in the light of principles of objective assignment of effect.

11

SEX TOURISM - AN INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW AND SOCIAL PROBLEM

59%

Gwoździewicz S., Koryluk D.

International Journal of New Economics and Social Sciences

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2018

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vol. 7(1)

187-195

EN

The aim of the article is to present the phenomenon of sex tourism as an international criminal law and social problem - in the aspect of social and forensic issues, in reference to current measures of criminal law protection. The authors analyzed the theoretical as-pects of sex tourism and described the phenomenon by detailing criminal and social prob-lems. The aim of the study was to analyze legal literature, social and forensic problems related to sex tourism and to analyze the directions of scientific research.

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie zjawiska turystyki seksualnej, jako międzynarodo-wego problemu prawnokarnego i społecznego - w aspekcie problematyki społecznej, kry-minalistycznej w odniesieniu do aktualnych środków ochrony prawnokarnej. Autorzy analizując aspekty teoretyczne seksturystyki opisali zjawisko poprzez wyszczegółowienie problemów prawnokarnych oraz społecznych Do realizacji postawionego celu posłużyła analiza przepisów prawokarnych, literatury przedmiotu, problemów społecznych i kryminalistycznych związanych z turystyką seksualną oraz analiza prowadzonych w tym kierunków badań naukowych.

RU

Цель статьи - представить феномен секс-туризма в международном уголовном праве, а также как проблему в аспекте социальных и судебных вопросов применительно к текущим мерам защиты уголовного права. Авторы проанализировали теоретические аспекты секс-туризма и описали это явление, детализируя криминальные и социальные проблемы. Цель исследования состояла в том, чтобы рассмотреть правовую литературу, социальные и судебные проблемы, связанные с секс-туризмом и проанализировать направления научных исследований. Ключевые слова:

12

Kaznodziejstwo w optyce polskiego prawa karnego

59%

Kroczek P.

Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego

|

2014

|

vol. 17

71-89

PL

Kaznodziejstwo jest częścią posługi wobec Słowa Bożego. Działalność ta należy wyłącznie do Kościoła, i jako taka jest regulowana przez prawo kanoniczne. Jednakże z tego powodu, iż nauczanie to, zazwyczaj głoszone jest publiczne i w miejscach publicznych, kaznodziejstwo podlega także prawu polskiemu. Rozważania zawarte w niniejszym artykule skupiają się na kaznodziejstwie w optyce polskiego prawa karnego: przestępstwa zniesławienia, zniewagi, obrazy uczuć religijnych i znieważenia grupy lub osoby. Katoliccy duchowni muszą być świadomi odpowiedzialności karnej za treść głoszoną w czasie kazań. Artykuł kończy się wnioskami i postulatem de lege ferenda, zmierzającym do tego, aby działalność kaznodziejska została wyłączona spod karnych regulacji państwowych. W kontekście niebezpieczeństwa wprowadzenia do polskiego system prawnego przestępstwa mowy nienawiści („hate speech”), głoszenie przez Kościół katolicki własnej doktryny oraz oceny moralnej zachowań czy zjawisk społecznych, mogłoby by zakwalifikowane jako dyskryminacja.

EN

Preaching the word of God is the part of the ministry of the Divine word. The activity belongs exclusively to the Church and is regulated by the church law. But due to the fact that the preaching is most often held publicly and in the public places, it is also under regime of Polish law. The article focuses on Polish criminal law. The catholic ministers must be aware of the criminal responsibility for the preaching. The paper concludes with the postulate de lege ferenda that preaching should be established as the circumstance that precludes penal responsibility. It is needed in the hazard of the fact that the law on “hate speech” would be introduced into polish legal system. Due to the wide definition of hate speech the teaching of the Church could be considered as discriminating.

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RZYMSKIE UREGULOWANIA DOTYCZĄCE ‘INIURIA’ A KARNOPRAWNA OCHRONA CZCI W PRAWIE POLSKIM

ANALIZA KULTUROWYCH ASPEKTÓW W NIEMIECKIM PRZEKŁADZIE POLSKIEGO KODEKSU KARNEGO

Zabójstwa typu kwalifikowanego w polskim i rosyjskim prawie karnym

Kształtowanie się pojęcia zabójstwa w polskim irosyjskim prawie karnym. Wybrane aspekty

Wokół problematyki karalności przerywania ciąży w Polsce

Granice nieletniości w polskim prawie karnym

Culture defence a polskie prawo karne

Wiktymologiczny obraz handlu ludźmi i niewolnictwa na tle prawa międzynarodowego i polskiego prawa karnego

Zjawisko wiktymizacji wtórnej: pojęcie, przyczyny, przeciwdziałanie (na przykładzie niektórych polskich regulacji karnych)

Wybrane zagadnienia dotyczące odpowiedzialności karnej egzorcysty w prawie polskim

SEX TOURISM - AN INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW AND SOCIAL PROBLEM

Kaznodziejstwo w optyce polskiego prawa karnego